Rockefeller’s ( Girl Friday by I. F. Stone

"WVatto

N lay 16. 1942

KEEP THEM OUT!

\nti-Democratic Candidates for Congress

I: Gerald L. K. Smith

BY WILL CHASAN AND VICTOR RIESEL

wa Freezing Out the Free French - - Hal Lehrman “The People’s Revolution”- - - Freda Kirchwey A Central European Federation- - Milan Hodza

Che Private Reader” “-e @ Louts Kronenherger

Rubber — i Fee se Se ee Editorial

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BEGINNING IN THIS ISSUE

An Important Series of

Coming Features

OUR LATIN AMERICAN ARSENAL—In a series of articles on South America, Dr. Hugo Fer nandez Artucio discusses the strategic necessity o developing Latin American products to offset the loss of essential war materials through the Japa- nese successes in the Pacific. He shows how many of these materials are available in this hemisphere and points to the steps America must take—polit ally, militarily, and economically—to protect se resources and insure their flow in ever creasing quantities to the United States and the nited Nations

ft

ic t] it I a

FREE FAKES—Of all the emigrés from the ancien regime who are trying to come back to power the most persistent is the Hapsburg clique, who through their ‘Free Austria” movement hope to revive Franz Joseph's empire. The activities of the group gathered around Archduke Otto and of the Hungarians who, under Tibor von Eckhardt, claim to represent “Free Hungary” will be de scribed in an informative and amusing article by Mark Murphy, one of the New Yorker's Reporters at Large os

THE DOLLAR-A-YEAR MAN—A great deal has been said and written about the dollar-a-year men who are running most of the war procure- ment and production ofhces in Washington. No- where, however, has any comprehensive list of their names and duties appeared, nor has there been any thoroughgoing analysis of the work of the entire group. I. F. Stone, The Nation's Wash- ington editor, who has exposed case after case of individual ax-grinding and incompetence, has writ- ten three articles that will tell the full story of the tribe

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“KEEP THEM OUT” of Congress Articles

N THIS issue the Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith,

candidate for the Republican Senatorial nomi- nation from Michigan, is the first to be discusse: in a series of articles about the defeatists and obstructionists who are working overtime to cap- ture Congressional seats at the November elec- tions. Among the other candidates whose record will be examined in coming issues of The Nati are C. Wayland Brooks (R., Ill.), Stephen A. Day (R., Ill.), Hamilton Fish (R., N. Y.), Robert F Rich (R., Penna.) , Jacob Thorkelson (R., Mont.), Gerald B. Winrod (Kansas), Martin L. Sweeney (D., Ohio), George Holden Tinkham (R., Mass.), William B. Barry (D., N. Y.). Read these docu mented articles. They will reveal many new facts as well as the voting records, afhliations, and pub lic utterances of men about whom all good «&

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AMERICA’S

THEA . LEADING LIBERAL WEEKLY SINCE 186

SATURDAY MAY 16, 1942 N

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Post Office of New York Washington Editorial

AREZ DEL VAYO

Advertising 4

ARY HOWARD ELLI

S. A. by Th

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second-class matter N. Y., under the act of March 856 National

The Shape of Things

WINSTON CHURCHILL'S MASTERLY SPEECH

; os te Was not only a tonic for th peopl of th ( Nations but a major stroke in the war of nerves whi

Britain has been waging against Hitler with increa:

success in the past few months. Answering, in eff Hitler's recent Reichstag addr the British Prime M ister reminded the Germans that their rulers had liberately used terror methods in st hing War Rotterdam, and Belgrade fr th f 1 had «

their worst to ‘rub out” Britain. Now that the boot on the other foot and the R. A. F. in a position to g the Germans an object lesson in aerial warfare, it wa little late, Mr. Churchill said, for Hitler to start whinu

He promised that British fliers, soon to be reinforc

American men and machines, would attack systematic: the many German cities where vital war industries w

established, and he warned civilians in these places t 1c Only way to escape was to abandon the factories a flee into the with Hitler's tentative offer to make peace with the W

for the sake of a joint crusade against Asia. Again at

again he referred with admiration an valiant stand of the Russians, and he emphasized t solidarity between Britain and the U.S. S. R. by warn Hitler that should he in desperation resort to the use gas on the eastern front, the growing superiority of R. A. F. would be used to carry g irfare ‘‘on largest possible scale, far and wide, against milit objectives in Germany.” It is to be hoped that

threat of retaliation, which it is understood was prove by mulating evidence of German preparations launching ¢ s in Russia, will restrain even Nazis from attempting this ultimate horror in warf

THE TONE OF MR. CHURCHILL'S SPEECH W buovant. and there was a welcome absence of the irrit

‘

reaction to criticism which has marr« utterance While carefully refraining from indorsi demands for a second front, he applauded the aggres

Sf irit reflected by the popular agitation for bolder a

Two members of his Cabinet, Sir Archibald Sinclair ar

Anthony Eden, went somewhat farther last week

fr. Churchill also dealt trenchan:

1 some of his recet

BY UNDERTAKING DIRECT NEGOTIAT; with Admiral Robert, French High Comm Martinique, fr

French Caribb«

neatly sidetracl

reported to be very mu pset by this treatm

has instructed his ambassador in Washington t

| ble, Mr. Hull ontinent, will suffice t irtail the = protest, there is not much Laval can do ¢ ccept

German armies in the remains t ye relations with the United States—a step wl

least the much-advertised spring offcnsive learly afraid to take. No official information is

a 1 WODA =a

displ ‘asure. If, as seems

» having difficulty in gett ff th ark. able regarding the kind of guaranties for 4 5 5 lay German drive against the key position of Kercl State Department is askin

eastern Crimea, which seemed to herald the open- reports they may include the leasing to the Unit

but according to W

( ts)

1 new campaign, has bi iten back with heavy of strategic points in Martinique, which presun he chief German offensive operations at present be occupied by American garrisons, the immo! ‘ar by wiping out of French naval units in the Caribbean, and the 1 But no threats of “im- tion of French planes and tankers now at Fort de Fr mass executions serve to As the New York Herald Tribune has pointed the North Cape to Mt. concessions made by the Vichy government to Ja , from St. Nazaire to the Carpathians, the parti- Indo-China provide ample precedents for such freedom are waging ruthless war against the these. Remembering that there is a good deal of «

The tales of sabotage, train wrecking, assassina- of Admiral Robert's fascist sympathies, we hope t

and bombings pour in, and for every victim of State Department will not be too easily satisfied the firing squads a dozen volunteers spring forward. Axis submarines roaming the Caribbean we cant | to digest his to take chances in Martinique and Guadeloupe. 1!

Hitler “ing giv breathing spel ynqu every indication that the State Department is 1

in the mood to accept mere promises, but it is rat! THE BATTLE OF THE CORAL SEA APPEARS TO quicting that its representative in the negotiations

Ss

nded in a decisive victory for the United Nations. be Samuel Reber, putative father of the phrase

> communiqués issued by both sides make it difficult called Free French.” m know exactly what the outcome was, and as long as

THE ECLIPSE OF SOCIAL JUSTICE IS A TRI

r does not know, we can train our curiosity; for the orderly processes employed by the Attor:

‘4 a ile eral in proceeding against this fascist mouthpiece

+ '

) Su} . ) ‘ 1 eee » indeed se k. This

Ills Coughlin cannot possibly cry persecution, sit o d ’ neevinas naval eacoun- safeguard of the democratic process was put at

posal. That he decided to go out of business rath 1eif objectives regard- I :

face the government's charges is an interesting indi

I | I

hological point of view, the

: ; that he had nothing to say that could not be used aga ‘come at a better moment. The ne , :

him. We are glad the hearings on the case are « coming imme liately after the Japa- A : oe . ' ; Fie tinuing, even though the chief defendant has Burma, marked the low point for the ‘ : . ' and run. But why has Coughlin himself not |! Pacific war. Symbolically, al h hj 1 ' yoenaed along with his editor and office boy than Bataan. It had come ae § : :

; as the Gibraltar of bed Japan of the

sonal secretary? We hope his abject surrender has 1

provided him with any ex post facto immunity. He

7 oa ae still the person responsible for whatever seditiou ppines. But for most Americans its appeared in Soctal Justice.

limmed by its fall

Pearl Harbor and REDUCTION IN INCOME-TAX EXEMPTIONS

and unpre proposed by Secretary Morgenthau must be regard

will go down in an integral part of the Administration's anti-inf

+

ymbols of * courage and determination of program, As we have repeatedly pointed out, 1 an and Filipino troops in the face of overwhelm- can be avoided only if the excess purchasing pov

lds erated by the war can be mopped up by incr

. re +h + 4 ) ‘ P Lp . Nrting: and 1t 18 true that a $5U0 cut in the execmpti I

married couple and a $100 cut in that for each will place an increased burden on millions of with moderate incomes. But unlike the sales tax not strike at the lowest-income groups, the lowe ur population, and it will be applied progres }

This may be

ability to pay. the fact that only $100,000,000 of the $1,100,-

which is expected to be obtained through lower-

in accordance wit}

exemptions will come from new taxpayers, whil 00,000 will come from present taxpayers. Cor

ill be reluctant to adopt Mr. Morgenthau’s sug-

in an election year, but the alternative a sales

flatston—is so obviously worse that we cannot s

1y Congressman can face his constituency if | rainst the Treasury's proposals, which have re i i

pressive support from Leon Her

VWDOWN ON THE AUTHORITY OF THE

r Board w avoided by a close margin last Pre nt ¢ BE. N mn of the General Corporation receded from his original position ted the board's ruling on the continuation of

contract arrangements. A break was imminent eral Motors announced that it was discontinu- pay for Sunday pending the negotiation of ontract. While the union had already agreed to double-pay clause in the new agreement, this n was contingent on a pay increase which would

1

ite the workers, at in part, for their loss

PB had in effect supported the workers in ruling ontract should be considered by the board as a nd that double pay should be continued until the d a chance to hear the case. In defying the ler, the General Motors Corporation issued a ment declaring that the ruling “was based on

rte consideration.”’ When members of the WLB

: out to Mr. Wilson that he was in effect chal- the whole principle of settling war labor issues tion, he finally capitulated and admitted that h know what an “ex parte hearing” was, but he 1 that “nobx Was Ing 1 unfair advan g f anyone else

| . ‘ ’ ] close a nation-wid ress and radio cam-

rainst the WLB which had been started in antici of a showdown. But though thi: campaign, like

drive against the fe rty-hour week, ha been ted, the under r war against organized labor

THE EDUCATION

spoiled child of American capital mI lt

of the war

eptan only of the much-deba but of the autl f t War Labor Board ts

reases Dt ge of the board, and it is | lt

have its effect on other corporations, among them |

Steel, which expects to be faced with a sin

|

in of Federal must have been particularly di

ing to Clarence B. Randall, vice-president of Inl

was suggesting, just the other day, a new wrinkl

anti-union technique. His company, he said, might poll

ts 8,500 stockholders before deciding whether or not rship (We couldn't

help wondering whether stockholders had ever been c

to accept maintenance of mem!

sulted when the salaries of vice-presidents were raised but that, of course, is an astronomical question about which stockholders could not possil ly have an opinion. ) Mr. Randall went on to say, among other thin that he was “awfully fed up” with labor's claim to credit

for surrendering the right to strike. ““They ought to he

iled if they do strike.’’ The prospect of being taken nto federal custody for the second time certainly seems

to have chastene 1 Mr. Korn lorfi

THE ELECTION OF DR. ALFONSO LOPEZ TO the Presidency of Colombia ts good news, contrasting pleasant y with th

emanate

disquieting reports that continue t from Argentina and Peru. Some people in Washington have found Dr. Lopez a difficult associate to work with, and the proverbial harshness of his criti- cisms of pan-American policy has even given him a reputation of hostility to the United States. The truth is that he has exercised a justifiable reserve toward thi

official elements who would like to establish inter-Amer

in solidarity on a one-way basis, asking full cooperation from the Latin American countries while avoiding con- sideration of their economic and politic al difficulties. As

President of Colombia from 1934 to 1938, Dr. Lopez

made a good record of progressive statesmanship; it is encouraging that at this critical moment the Colombian people have « lected him for a second time. One can rely

on his anti-fascist position to produce a more healthy situation in Colombia than exists in Argentina and Per - Axis elements are moving full speed ahead

despite official-dinner declarations. At this moment the

Argentine government has taken special pains to an- our t warm reception’ that is awaiting the Pha-

langist delegation now on its way to Buenos Aires to & c y

A FREE PRESS IS NEVER MORE NECESSARY » of war, and newspapermen on this side of the Atlantic rise to cheer the fight of their British col-

United King-

, 1 nat these are

' press in the : '

igues against pags on the

A

jom. It is to Britain's credit so few, as it

to the honor of its journalists that they are fighting so courageously against first infringements on their lib- erty. All sections of the press were represented at a recent Fleet Street mecting which protested against con

tinued suppression of the Daily Worker, the threat to

halt publi ation of the critical Daly Mirror, and petty

restrictions of censorship. The ban on the Worker at a time when Russia is Britain's ally was properly described is an anomaly, and a resolution was passed calling for incelation of Section 2-d of the British Defense Regula- owers the government to silence critical 1 to step hard on the genuinely subver- sive and to act against those publ: itions linked with the

my is recognized in war time. It depends on an

I

:roused and vigilant public in Britain, as here, to see that this is not made an excuse for pagping publi 1c1ONS which are critical of the government

j y/ - 2 ? — > China Must be Helped HE rather surprising success scored by the Chinese forces under General Stilwell in repelling the Japa- » unit which had invaded China by way of the Burma road has, for the moment at least, relieved the situation nm that area. But in view of the length of the lines of ymmunication, it is doubtful whether Japan ever in- tended a major invasion of China through its back door. Regardl

ichieved the main purpose of their campaign

; of the setback at Chefang, the Japanese have

the clos- ing of China’s one practical supply route from the out- Si le vorl |

he route through Lashio and Mandalay, China's plight

Barring a major victory which will reopen

is desperate Deprived of il]

s resistance for six

supplies, it might continue

months or a year but it could not

| to hold out indefinite ly For while remarkable pi | ag

n made in developing an arms industry in the

rior of China, th uintry is entirely dependent on

its allies for artillery, planes, trucks, machinery, and

kinds of medical up| lics. Its stocks of these are limited and inadequate at 1 must be replenished

From statements issued in Washington the American

blic h btained the Imp! ion that we shall mercly have to use other, perhaps less satisfactory, routes in plying China, and that in any nt Chinese genius

will surmount the

problem. This is a false and danger-

}

ous supposition. The Chinese have shown great ,

P}

and endurance in opening up their supply rout outside world, but there literally is no route t the Burma road. Several roads are under const: but they are long, roundabout, and still far from , pletion. At best, they will carry only a small fra the goods that were beginning to move on the ] road. And China cannot wait until 1943 or 1944: have supplies in 1942.

There is, of course, one remaining overland route to a United Nations base. That is the long road from Lanchow across Sinkiang to Soviet ‘I Although far from being a modern artery of tra: tion, this is a perfectly feasible route. Before Hit attack on Russia, a very considerable amount of § war materials was regularly brought in along this : Some aid is apparently still reaching China from R but Russia’s own needs and transport problems al Turk-Sib Railway have reduced it to a trickle. Alt! the distances are tremendous, American supplies « be shipped via Archangel or the Persian Gulf into (

along this route. But before such a supply line

set up, vast technical problems would have to

come. Large quantities of transport equipment have to be shipped to Russia, and technicians to organize traffic on the new route as it was org on the Burma road.

More feasible for the immediate future is velopment of a system of air transportation. By of large, modern transport planes almost everything t China needs could be taken in. Heavy equipment be transported in parts and assembled in China. Alt some planes are operating by way of India. A

! her

feasible route would be from Alaska to Siberia

rr}

ne

thence over the desert to northwestern China. Th f.

I zation of such an aerial ferry service would

mendous undertaking. As Admiral Yarnell, for: commander-in-chief of the Pacific fleet, has pointed

it would require thousands of our largest planes. In \ of the tremendous demand for planes on other fro: there is grave danger that we shall fail to provide ¢! necessary equipment. Our past record in supplying Ch is far from reassuring. But in this instance we dare : fail. Keeping China in the war is important not only t the Chinese, who have fought so stubbornly for fi years, but to our own war strategy. As long as R remains neutral in the Pacific war, China provides t only nearby base from which Japan can be atta directly. Failure to take advantage of China's trem resources and favorable geographic position might long the war for years. No cost and no temporary

fice at home, such as might arise from the diversion «

} i / {

has shown us how to fight Japan.

planes from our domestic transport, should be allowed

» stand in the way of all-out ud to the country whic

HAN young

heen affor in |

( ce A iture or fa

0 Inve n >, nav n h tk eds «

S V Wa

ld proc make appt which won

iring the

The ma

1 hav

ring mol

r alcoho tilleries, f gallons of lent of Pu pendent i that synth

by this mi

Jesse Jone WPB pro alcohol. 7] Union Ca thetical]

ww

LON ive

‘| Rubber from the Farm

HANKS to the Gillette committee and its able

ng Hadlick, the afforded a glimpse of hitherto unrealized possi- The Gillette

counsel, Paul E. nation has in the making of synthetic rubber.

ttee is a subcommittee of the Senate Committee on

ture and Forestry, and its assignment is to find

farm surpluses in the war-production program.

Or investigating committees, notably Senator Tru- have given us a broader knowl :

) the synthetic-rubber program has lagged behind

dge of the way

is of the emergency. Gillette's is the first to show ways of making the synthetic product. The most nt of these is its manufacture from ethyl alcohol,

n turn from surplus corn or wheat. Secretary of Agriculture Wickard, in his testimony be- > Gillette committee, reported that on July 1 our rry-over of wheat alone would be 630,000,000 bushels. ear's crop is expected to bring the total supply to a and a half bushels. This is enough for two years’ supply. “About 80,000,000 bushels of wheat or rn,’ Secretary Wickard said, “would be required to 200,000,000 gallons of alcohol, which in turn produce 220,000 tons of butadiene. This would approximately 240,000 tons of synthetic rubber,”’ would be roughly a third of our military needs

ring the coming year.

making of synthetic rubber from grain alcohol i have a second advantage. The lack of shipping to molasses from Cuba has left most of the great ercial-alcohol plants of the East idle. These plants rmally make alcohol from molasses, as the whiskey llers normally make it from grain. The commercial- hol plants could easily be converted to the use of “Relatively small amounts of copper and steel’”’ 1 be required. Over and above all war requirements t alcohol, now being met largely from the whiskey dis- es. facilities now idle could handle 200,000,000 ns of alcohol. Testimony by Simon Neuman, presi- of Publicker Commercial Alcohol, the one big inde- nt in the business, is authority for the statement

A

nthetic rubber could be produced in nine months s method, as compared with the eighteen months t more which will be required to build and begin to the new plants called for in the RFC’s 800,000-

program. Rubber made from grain alcohol would

So far the 800,000-ton program worked out by Jones and the dollar-a-year men in charge for the WPB provides for only one plant to make rubber from ohol. The company which will operate the plant, Carbide and Carbon, makes ethyl alcohol syn-

lly from petroleum and natural gas, but may make

some alcohol from grain as a sop to farm sentiment. The other companies, all linked to Standard Oil, the du Pont the Big Four rubber companies, the Mellon interests. and their allies, will make ruber fr fr n. Whil butadiene can be made directly from ethyl 1 with little special equipment, the rubber program as now di veloping will require new petroleum racking facilities and new plants to turn butane, a petroleum by-producf,

into butadiene. This will bring the program into com petition w th aviation gas and synthet:! .¢ tiVi il ‘ bill is all Vili Al

tion, both of which are also dependent on the same

toluol pr du

sources in petroleum. Just as Standard Oil and I. G.

the world of

Farben long divided ynthetic oil and chemicals between them selves to restrict competition, so Standard and du Pont and the Mellon interests are determined today to keep the synthetic-rubber program in their own hands. Stand- ard controls United States Industrial Alcohol, one of whose former executives, Fraser Moffet, is ‘‘dollar-a- year man” in charge of alcohol at the War Production Board. The commercial-alcohol combine fears the com- petition of synthetic rubber from grain alcohol. Ger- many, Poland, and the Soviet Umon have all successfully made synthetic rubber from grain or potato alcohol. The Soviets’ large synthetic-rubber industry is based on a process of this sort. But unless pressure is applied by the farm bloc and by an informed public opinion we shall go on planning to make our synthetic rubber by the slowest and costliest route—but the one preferred by the allied oil-rubber-alcohol-and-chemical companies.

In their thinking monopoly still comes first.

The People’s Revolution

BY FREDA KIRCHWEY hips meetings held in New York over the past

week-end crystallized, through discussion and plans for action, a good many of the ideas that have been de- manding concrete expression in the minds of progressive Americans. One was the second conference of the Inter- national Free World Association; the other was the Eastern Regional Conference of the Union for Demo cratic Action. In these gatherings were to be found a selection of the men and women whose opinions must dominate the waging of the war and the making of the peace if both are to be successful.

The delegates to the Free World meeting included many leaders of the democratic forces of the old and new worlds—Free Frenchmen, free Spaniards, free Hungarians and Austrians and Germans, free Czech: representatives of China and India, Scandinavians, North and South Americans. Exiles from fighting enemy na tions consulted with one another and with representa

tives of conquered nations and neutrals. They discussed

Var and oO! A Nn ti IsScuSSIONS _ ' ard no rdant theor no conflicting national- Laake Free World P ' fy . 1 LITT1S I W OI Sana Uild 1ITtS I na Cc J 1 = t mat vers of foreign oft ind th n ions of i } | ] h ¢ } | fans to a levy n which * con 1 human ] ; ¢ ; } ¢ ] { ] 1 for f uk protection a V1 if n nds normal, not fantasti r nental. But the legates knew what th ‘ I Y in th strupgyg ‘ } * +] + + + f | ichieve a r yy Worid; ma oO I ad felt —— t impact of terror and tyranny o lcir own bod ] r ] ’ in their own emotions. All of them had experienced I cautious cynicism which so frequent informs the of | ; of pover ven th ymmitted to the fight for freedom. All of then v the im! e power i yf th ments of disruption irking, consciously and i 2 onsciously, in the interests of the dictators "7 ’ ’ [The Union for Democra Action brought together

ime sorts of yple, men and women who co ( Peo} 1 passionate determination that the war must be won with a belief that it can yn only if it is geared to lemocratic techniques and aims. The U. D. A. 1s pri- ily interested in the American aspects of the strug- 1 ' rreay , and its members ‘are mostly Americans. With an » il liate practical t is, it has organized for 1 nation-wide scale in the coming Congrcs- nal el The Washington office, headed by Tom (Am former Progressive Congressman from Wiscon- 5 as mpi 1 a han OK OF tons otn s and men—which ts this week p iblished as a su

The New York offi

‘ i HICce,

' ’ . , ent to the New Repu

ith Dr. Frank Kingdon in charge, will serve as a cam-

paign headquarters from which information and other ts of ammunition will be issued to all groups and viduals fighting to put out or keep out of Congress men who oppose the war or try to pervert it into a cim- uot femocratic victory

to the plans lai 1 at both meet-

how Se | unity that exists among the varied fighting this many-sided battle for a free world. Their backgrounds n be as different as Chungking 1 Des Moin but their common understanding of r of the fa lrive for world dominion f nera rreemet 1 what must be done to it it. They may differ on details, but you don’t find recin fundas i the failure, past and f t f polici OF ay nent; the necessity of a . f labor rvvement closely integrated t ffort: tl perate 1 1 for mtimuous : for 1 pu randa emerging from clear t ra s to h the common [ | of Il « in rally. You find them united in demanding “total” | ! riag thods hich utilize ever [ source of power in and mechanical, without regard for peace-tim ts o I rty rights or privil

The N

majority of bureaucrats of every rank and countr; militant democrats and a democratic progran almost cynically, the anti-fascist elements ac

" ’ icr ¢ > sle, discussing only the

tude ¢ meats tl

employed to counter it, to multiply the number

crats in office, and to strengthen the hands of ready tn positions of power. t the dinner held by the Free World Ass

Friday evening a thousand guests heard the \

dent of the Unite rved full reproduction in Only PM, among the New York

the Tvmes and

the newspapers

papers, prit was covered very briefly by Tribune in stories emphasizing Mr. Wallac tion that Japan might strike at Alaska and our 1 coast “at a time when German transport plan shuttled across from Dakar to furnish lead

stiffening to a German uprising in Latin Am

his warning that “we must be prepared for 1

kind of fifth-column work in Latis

it operating through the agency of

governmecni reference to Vichy and particularly Madrid} w the United States is at present at peace.” T!

1

striking passage, but it was incidental to the

Mr. Wallace's speech. The Vice-President, in the analysis of the meaning of the war to come f:

high official of this country, declared that “the

revolution is on the march.” He made it | forces seek to stop that revolution actionaries, here and abroad, who fear the dri common people toward wider education, bett of the tools of production, greater power thr own organizations. The “people's revolution

only real opposition to Hitler's fascist revolut: from the day of the burning of the books, just 1 ago this week, revealed its inner purpose—to universal tyranny on the ashes of free thought

inquiry.

The people's revolution 7s on the march, and function of such organizations as the Free Worl

ciation and the Union for Democratic Action t it with leadership and a coherent program—in

in America and for the world. Thes

in pe

tions must grow, because they fill a pressing n

ice,

for Democratic Action is launching

Union

many cities; the Free World Association, alr

established as an international body with

China and England and Latin America, has

the formation of an American section which

members throughout the United States. I warm!

mend both organizations to every reader of The

Join them; help spread their ideas and carry their programs. They are the natural instrument which democratic opinion in this country can n

heard and felt.

the fascists

ATIO: May

P

‘ If iL public Rosenl Ca

I nc H \

r

ck. Mrs

cid

"

> ‘

‘

BY 1.

Washington, May 11 RS. ANNA M. ROSENBERG'S dual employ- Deal and the Rockefeller

family has long been a subject of gossip and criti-

ment by the New

in the capital. The Hous« Appropriations ¢ ommittee

1 Louis Stark of the New York Times performed a

ervice when they brought out the facts. Mrs.

i

nberg’s entrée to the White House and her well-

ized position as a Pre sidential adviser are assets

in hardiy keep from capitalizing in her private

as public relations and labor-relations counselor.

vork for the Macy-Bamberger stores and for

Miller, the shoe dealer, seems politically innocuous,

; disturbing to have her shuttle between Pocantico

nd the White House. Standard Oil has entirely too

{

nfl 1 Intl

uence in the New Deal, and Mrs. Rosenberg

to choose between F. D. R. and Mammon. law already prohibits a federal official from prac- a lawver before a federal agency. W hope the ]

Appropriations Committe will keep its promise

a provision forbidding federal administrative ls to hold jobs outside the government. Mrs. Rosen- 500 she draws from private

$7,500 a vear as New York

il director of the Social Security Board 1s a naive

Mrs. Rosenberg says she took the government job

lition that she be allowed to continue her work

ite consultant. A judge might similarly accept a

g 1 on the bench on condition that he be allowed to

tinue to serve several clients as private counsel.

Mrs. Rosenberg’s private employment and public in- can hardly be separated. She admits that she has

r

re

receiving $6,000 a year from Nelson Rockefell his publi ‘relations repre sentative “since long before became Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs.” Mrs. nberg pl ryed a major part in making Nelson Rock- r Coordinator, and after Colonel William J. Don became Coordinator of Information, one of his itors was Mrs. Rosenberg. Mrs. Rosenberg wanted

sure that Colonel Donovan did not muscle in on

rritory of her boy Nelson. Nelson Rockefeller’s standing in Washinet is the best kind of “public

ons” for the Standard O1l crowd and the Chase

} }

[hese are not th only

com] lications in Mrs. Rosen-

r’s dual position She ts a private labor-relations con

nt. She is also a pow rful New Deal politi ian, Can

separate the two in specifi labor cases? She wa:

ockefeller's Girl Friday

STONE

powerful enough to help keep Sidney Hillman from

, becoming head of the new Man Power Commission and to get the job instead for her government boss, Paul McNutt. Mrs. Rosenberg is admittedly an able woman,

but is she hired by business and by government only for

her ability or for her influence as well? This is the ques-

tion to which her ambiguous position exposes her.

If the House Appropriations Committee does a thor- ough job, it will also recognize the quasi-public char- acter of a partys National Committee when that party is in power. Oscar Ewing 1s still counsel for the Alumi- America and vice-chairman of the National Committec

fact that he holds that powerful politi al position must

num Compan ot Democrat Obviously the mere have some influence on the officials with whom he must

deal on behalf of Alcoa. The principle involved was recognized when Lawrence (“Chip”) Robert had t choose between his private contracting business with government agencies and his position as Democratic na- tional committceman from Georgia. It is time that this

principle was written into law

Say Thank You to the Power Trust, Adolf. The pur pose of the Tydings “economy” campaign has little to do

The anti-New Dealers, unable

the socia!l-reform agencies, seek to destroy them by cut

with economy, to abolish

ting their appropriations. The outstanding

this te hnique is the McKellar amendment to the Ind

example of

vendent Offices Appropriation bill passed last week by

!

the Senate. This amendment abolishes the revolving fund the TVA has had since 1935 and forces TVA to turn it its revenue monthly to the Treasury and to go to Congre for any proposed expenditure, no matter how small. Ad ministration Leader Barkley, in his very able spec against the amendment, put the issue nicely. A revolvin fund is necessary, Senator Barkley said, ‘because if p by the public with their own money ar

to compete with private utilities, which they have got

to do, they must be able to operate and function all the time without interruption.”” The enemies of TVA d not want it to be able to compete with the private utilities

Had three Senators changed their vote, the amend

ment would have been defeated. Credit is due to Minority

Leader McNary for declining to play politics with ous power supply in time of war. McNary parted company

th most of his R | blican collea to \ against the amendment. It is a pity that Brewster of Maine, whe

showed so much understanding of the power and alumi-

564

num problems in the Tzuman committee hearings, joined anti- TVA forces. O'Mahoney and Gillette, who ha

fought monopoly in other fields, did likewise. The

three votes could have saved the TVA

Ihe full significance of the McKellar amendment cin

only be appreciated against the background (1) of our power resources as compat d with those of the Axis, (2) of our enlarged need for power, and (3) ot occasions when the TVA has been forced to t quickly to provide power for war production. The revolv- ing fund made quick action possible As Senator Lee point

Hitler quadrupled the output of electri power in the

>

1 out, between 1935 and 19

yuuntrics he controls he production of electricity

Axis Europe today ts about 40 per cent above that uur own country. In aluminum and magnesium, the two ight metals closely d Pp ndent on electric power, G man production at the end of 1941 was greater than

that of the United States, Britain, and Canada together

Aluminum and magnesium are not the only Wiouil

iterials whose production requires large amounts o!

ty. Shell cases are usually of brass, which is made

if electrolyti copper an i zinc. Electrolytic refined stecls

and ferro-alloys are n sary in the making of sm.

HE sn f ba till hangs thick over Mada ir. Ot British initiative, courage, and self-sa rifice there can be no doubt. Seizure of the island,

frustrating Japan's designs on a base from which it could have crippled United Nations shipping in the Indian Ocean, deserves a prayer of thanksgiving throughout the

democracies. But as the struggle continued, as more and

more French and British fell in fratricidal combat before

major resistance collapsed, the painful question aros Need there have been any battle at all?

wrter and not a military strategist, th

t down here, without taking sides, what

sources hitherto unimpeachable It may now for the first time be disclosed, on high Ft

French authority, that the De Gaullist command in

Pquatorial Africa had perfected a plan for a bloodless

*mnal uprising in Madagascar, timed to coincide with t three-pronged landing on the defenseless southern and A COrps of secret ipents former ofiicers ind colonists who escaped from the island after the fall

vestern coasts

if France—was preparing the insurrection. A portable Pree French short-wave radio was broadcasting ant:

Vichy propaganda under the Governor General's nose.

BY HAL LEHRMAN

The NATION

; ‘ en »pprova arms, artillery, and tanks. Shipbuilding requires ferry orl 2 1 ¢ alloys for steel plates and structural shapes, high-gra | , m

electric steel for propulsion machinery. Magnesiur

ALi)

needed not only for planes but for incendiary |

Power is needed to make phosphorus. TVA must pr : . “ part of the power for the synthetic-rubber progran - si Senator Norris showed that without a revolving fund - for emergencies TVA would not have been able to , to the rescue of the Aluminum ( ompany of Ameri ; dies the fall of 1939 and provide new facilities for the d ery during that fiscal year of an additional 288,0 eee 2 kilowatt-hours of energy. The TVA spent $1,3 sib out of its revolving fund for that purpose. Alcoa as $1,600,000 for the power. The power made possib! siosg manufacture of 29,000,000 additional pounds of ™ num during the fiscal year 1939-40, the equival : 1,500 ten-ton bombers. “I presume those bon ” manned for the most part by American fliers,"’ Se * Norris said, “have been destroying ships, airplanes “ other property of the enemy all over Russia, Europe - Africa, and all through Asiatic waters. Such a th wy would be absolutely impossible if these amendn i should be agreed to by the Senate.”’ So the Senate agreed to the amendments. Heil the Power Trust! _ ( ral Liby ra “" e ei the An lreezing Out the Tree French eh ; WL v oO t rar or In Three battalions of crack African terailleurs were i centrated on the mainland at Durban to back revolt with the prestige of an army and a flag cf The uprising and the Free French expedition » - prevented from materializing by a lack of trans € the shipping, according to the De Gaullists. They out! ts their needs to Premier Jan Smuts in Capetown and to | 7

British. Smuts was eager for action. He feared tha Japanese, in addition to using Madagascar as a submar

base, would make it a jumping-off place for invasion

the continent. But all he could offer the Free French 7 ’ a certain number of transport planes. These,’ w: iverape Capacily of twenty men, were insufficient to : 3,000 heavily equipped soldiers from their camp on | = cast coast of South Africa. Only the British, it is were in a position to furnish the necessary troop sh st ind no favorable reply was received from London a Confronted with the fact of the direct British as ; Re

m Madagascar, the Free French last week were publicly . all (

noncommittal and privately shrouded in gloom. W!

: t10ns %

the fighting was going on, General de Gaulle him lock; . a lockin had nothing to say. His delegates and aides in Ws! . were t

ton and New York emulated his silence. Official dis

16, 1942

1 1

val of an ally’s course was unthinkable, of course. 1 quiet conversations tinged with despair two basic ms were advanced. First, the attack had been

}

d against Diego Suarez, the strongest fortified

1 the entire island. Greater resistance was thereby

ged, with consequent increased losses for at- and defenders. Second, Britain’s open warfare a French possession gave Axis propaganda an- wedge to thrust between the peo} le of conquered and their former comrades in arms. The Laval- 1 regime was able to strike a miserable pose as de- r of the French empire against a foreign invader.

lhe De Gaullists contend, on the other hand, that wn plan would have reduced casualties to an abso- inimum and ruled out any possibility of a bogus ppeal to patriotism. Their “plot” was an adapta- the technique used in the seizure of Free French where in an area six times as large as the mother- and with a population of six million, France was d to the war and the democracies by a series of nt coups d'état. One after another, Chad, the Cam- French Congo, and Ubangi-Chari fell away from through internal maneuvering. Only in Gabun re serious opposition. Free French dominion in ral Africa gave Britain a strong ally on the flank of yan front and a defense in depth along the most ble stretch of the Capetown-to-Cairo route in rlo-Egyptian Sudan. For the United Nations, Free

h Africa cut the time and risk of shipping around tip of the continent. Bombers touch De Gaullist ry regularly on their way to the Middle East.

Madagascar the Free French counted on the over-

ngly anti-Vichy sentiment of the native Malgache on. They had at their disposal a broadcasting Radio Madagascar-Libre, which consisted of a rful sender mounted on a truck, operating in the of the outlaw German stations. Among the leaders proposed uprising were men who knew the ter- from a lifetime of residence, who had even com- led units of the troops which later fought the Brit- Four of them were officers who had been found | with chains in the brig of a French ship taking to Marseilles. objective of the coup was to have been not the naval fortress of Diego Suarez but the capital at larive, a much weaker place than the harbor citadel. 1 as the revolt signal was flashed throughout the by Radio Madagascar-Libre, De Gaulle’s fifth nists were to make straight for the official broad , station, the Governor General’s palace, and other

}

buildings in Tananarive. By concentrated raids they

d to take over in one night all the main communica- tions and all the administrative centers, in addition to king up the Vichy officials. Simultaneously, landings were to be made at Majunga at the mouth of the Betsi-

boka River on the west coast, at 7

west, and at Fort Dauphin in the southeast. These « barkati onal . | ee ee ns. T arKation points are virtualiy without fortific L1ONS ¢ } 1 } ~ ’ : ; ' 1} Weak Malgach garrisons there Would I roDabply be ] ealat Ince 4 . l¢ A ny y rare ; - > ready split by the revolt. Any remaining coastal resistan

q would be easily brushed aside by {ire

Free French battalion commanders and fantry—Sara tribesmen, the toughest fighting breed

Equatorial Africa. Then a swift march northward and eastward by the three columns was to converge on Tanan arive. The capital once neutralized, the remnants of thy garrison still loyal to Vichy

be tightly bottled in the Diego Suarez area.

' = mostiy Sen galese could

British fleet

might well come up to finish the job, with the least po:

At this moment, the plan indicated, the sible damage to the besiegers, the besieged, and popul.r feeling at home in France. The British could blockad the harbor from the sea, and the Free French could sever its communications by land. Artillery brought from th landing ports would dissuade the garrison from attempt ing to break out. The fortress could last only as long a: its food supplies.

What the Free French wanted above all to avoid was another fiasco such as Dakar or another Anglo-French clash like the naval engagement at Mers-el-Kebir, of which the Darlans and the Doriots are still making capital. Madagascar was no fiasco. The casualty total was whittled down considerably from early estimates. The fact remains, however, that men in French and British uniforms died on a remote African island while a N army stood at ease in France

There are other Vichy territories still to be rescu: of Axis control—in the Indian Ocean, North Africa, and the Caribbean. The

ent’s current adroitness in Martinique has,

from the threat West Africa, State Departn for once, found favor with the Free French, still pale from the Mada nique of present

preciate the tech-

ng ultimatums gracefully over a con-

rascar ordeal. They ap

ference table instead of at the point of naval guns. The applaud this government's constant reiteration, to th Martinique authorities and the French in France, of our desire to avoid bloodshed. They know that it real! doesn’t matter how many faces are saved, when live are saved as well. If the main purpose—quarantine of Martinique against the Axis—should be achieved wit! out a shot, the victory would be complete

The De Gaullists fervently hope that Madagascar wil! be the last head-on collision between ancient allie But their dearest dream of all is the hour when the British, the Free French, the Americans, and all the liberated armies of the enslaved nations land in force o: the soil of France. On that battleground, they say, ther: will be no French soldiers with orders to fire on the in vaders. The creatures of Hitler in Vichy will be mute.

The only target will be Germans, the goal Berlin.

cep Them Out!

I. THE REVEREND GERALD L. K. SMITH

Candidate for the Republican Senatorial Nomination in Michigan

BY WILL CHASAN AND VICTOR RIESEL

{ ] int 4 }} rlé i’) ) 4€a » the leadis defe bist f (On: f nd assorted re- ‘ yarfes amone ti Conp NA nd Senator wd can- d nN {Phe fall ¢ , ] € 7 i ] Cd b PAN U ll

1: af de , n ¢ yoy } ) ” nlaIor i dé “hil be i ? ff thi al (nation in Pl sfale or aistrict wl be ful Y @xdvline d. Le arn the fact ab us ; @ nen T ] in , f Keep Them Out!)

ERHAPS our most dangerous professional defeat- ist, now that Father Coughlin has been partially ilenced, is Gerald L. K. Smith, a big, hook-nosed

man whom Huey Long once described as a “better rabble

f r than I am.” Smith is national chairman of the Committee of One Million, a catch-all for anti-Semites, ts, | ea rs, and labor baiters: he pub- The Flag, a monthly magazine that follows the Social Justice “line” and may perhaps 1n-

circulation; and currently he is secking the Republican Senatorial nomination in Michigan on the

manner combining the best tech-

niques of Billy Sunday and George M. Cohan, Smith en selling panaceas and hate causes since 1934,

n he abandoned a fashionable church at Shreveport, Louisiana, to team up with Huey Long. He became the r of the Share-Our-Wealth clubs, which Long saw

,

1 stepping-stone to the White House, and made nation-wide speaking tours for the Kingfish. He credited lf in 1935 with making 20,000 converts a day. ith tried to seize control of the Long machine after Hfuey’s death, but was thwarted by the guns of rival lers. On October 1, 1935, he told a press con- ference at the Hotel New Yorker that he was “in grave r of assassination,” presumably by some ex-asso

Louisiana. Smith likes to ro peat this and similar

ries to show that he is prepared for martyrdom. He

I till convinced that 1f Long had lived, “there would have been no Roosevelt in this country, and Huey Long ld | t] bsolute dictator.” He once told a friend,

“IT really believe that the American public will at all ind directly in back of a man like Huey Long

Ile bamboozled them, he stole for and from them; and

now I am in a position not only to employ his tactics

Smith began to organize the Committee of O lion in October, 1936, when it became evident t! Lemke-for-President campaign, in which he had with Father Coughlin and Dr. Townsend, was ¢ fizzle. The committee, which derived its nam ing to Smith, from the fact that “a million friends had asked him to start it, was launched { in March, 1937, as a “nationalist front against nism.” Its headquarters at the Hotel Pennsylva New York immediately became a rallying point Semites and fascists of various hues. Patrick Pow member of Smith's original entourage, was friend! Fritz Kuhn. The Bund leader gave his blessing

new undertaking, and hundreds of Bundsmen at committee meetings in New York and Philad According to a sworn statement by a former em Smith was also aided by Merwin K. Hart, who duced him to many industrialists. The New York of June 4, 1937, reported a conference at Carn in which both Hart and Smith participated. Am resolutions passed was one advocating repeal of capital-gains tax. It’s a queer fact that anyone w radical financial views as “‘Share-Our-Wealth" § should have been invited to this conference. An meeting of minds between him and Hart, a well-; cized champion of economic orthodoxy, hardly possible. William Dudley Pelley, General Moscle Allan Zoll also gave Smith a hand, and Father Coug who was an intimate friend, was especially h His followers helped to arrange big meetings f committee in a number of cities, and the two peared together on public platforms and confer:

quently in Detroit and Cleveland. Smith is said ta ha

described Father Coughlin at one time as an ego person who would be a nobody without a Roman « but apparently their cooperation has been smooth continuous.

Shortly after the Committee of One Mill started, Smith decided that it might be profitab!

combine his anti-communism with a campaign ag

the C. I. O. He toured the country denouncing John

Lewis before Rotary Clubs, Chambers of Commer private gatherings of industrialists, from whom

licited funds. His corr spondence in 1937-39 cont

endless references to his efforts to sell the committe

. An undated letter from Detroit ns the line, “Labor hell has broken out here, which

for us.”” He met secretly with industrialists in

Cleveland, Toledo, Detroit, and other miass- ction centers, at first with only desultory results eived a number of moderate contributions, but

that General Motors had reneged on a pledge 000, and that “the big rubber companies abso- said no in Akron and passed the word down the Smith was often broke during this period, as his mournfully indicate, but in 1939 his fortunes d; he began to broadcast weekly over WJR and

led his activities in other fields. A former intimate

nith’s insists that he was enabled to do so by con- tions from Henry Ford.

ith, who once observed that he was a friend of all velt's foes, has been closely associated with many r most virulent isolationists. He failed to join ca First, but he “admired many of the things it

iplished”—and helped to accomplish some of them

iigan. In March, 1941, he arranged a meeting s old friend Senator Gerald P. Nye at which 5,000 ters cheered the usual isolationist shibboleths and 1, “Impeach the President!” Smith boasts that he an isolationist and is sorry that America First, rreat mobilization of Americans,” was disbanded. rees in The Cross

troit streets by former sellers of Soczal Justice, that

and the Flag, now being hawked

o

of highbinders in Washington are trying to sneak

into the British Empire.” ta “hoop-of-steel” law to compel the President to

He wants Congress

fleet back to our shores, withdraw our troops

| foreign theaters of war, and stop shipments of

r materials to our allies until he is willing to

under oath that every acre of ground and every

being within the territorial responsibility of the

States is safe from attack, by an actual or a il foe.”

his campaign for the Republican Senatorial nomi-

fot #

, - - —" From The Cross and the Flag

We recognize the priorities emergency, but be-

we know something of the background of

n Henderson, we think that some place in this

L re are certain M wxisre ws O are vetting a

, } , } r : ’ thrill out of seeing the great middle class

1 sn the nap ot thic emercencs W Cit shh bhi LAL E } sh/id € 颀 VPCTEC Ve 0 é } ,°

1 to assert that the most serious thing about

crucifixion of the middle class 15 not only the

» ply } ” . ah otha A , , , that our bureaucrats apparently dont care u hat ‘ ‘ y

} } } en lo these pe ( ple, but [he } tually appear

delight in their annipiation.

nation Smith saying that he is “100 per cent for the war effort,” but The Cross and the Flag and his propa A pamphlet set-

ganda generally are crudely defeatist

ting forth his hoop-of-steel argument enumerates the

defeats suffered by the United Nations, pointing out “We dare

not suppose such a tragedy,” and includes such sentences

as, “I am told by well-informed patriotic

that experts previously had said of each one,

Americans in

Washington, D. C., that much bad news 1s being kept from us because it is feared that it would break the morale of the ] eople.” He has continued to address isola-

tionist meetings and was the principal speaker at one

sponsored by William G. Grace's Citizens’ Committee

in Chicago on February 13, where Britain and Russia were booed and the audience had to be reminded to “be

careful that only American sentiments are expr ssed.””

The remainder of Smith’s program is unalloyed dema-

goguery. He demands $100 a month for every soldier, claiming that it was the Committee of One Million which obtained the increase to $42 a month. He urges

Congress to “cut non-defense spending’ and at the same time asks for “an honcst hearing in the Senate for the Townsend plan.” He also demands “tires for every body.” A press release describing the meeting at which

Smith announced his candidacy quoted him as saying,

“Take the rubber situation away from the bureaucrats, international bankers, and the rubber trust, turn it over to Henry Ford, and I am willing to wager that we'll have tires by New Coughlin, Smith continually harps on the “international ] 1 L } 1

he also has become subtly anti-Semitic. Frank

]

Smothers, who covered a recent Smith meeting for the

Year's and not later than Easter.” Like bankers”

Chicago Daily News, reported that “throughout his speech Smith reiterated that what he wanted was a Christian America, nor did the cheering crowd mis-

1

understand implication regarding the Jewish citizens

of America.” At other meetings he has implied that any

F'rom The Cross and the Flag

7 j 1OnNIRAL wd tts edttor abpbreciat the fact

d Da ’ / 4 ” 7n Cone? The

} ve 7st a d l @ } ls rei ll tp L iV

irnal: United Sta Senators Reynolds,

f, Andenve ’ By yh f li } eeler, Members of the Lower House of Con- Vo dru ff, Ran in, Ric h, Hoffman, S/ Ape ’,

, , , , 5 rf, / }} , ANd MARY fpers. It is fo be reprett ad , ’ yy i MIEN 1 as {he nes listed were are not in ) ’ , F ’ 7) al ' ty (jy 4 ; [he 1d eals / f li 75 ] MMi Nal 4 { ? and pray and work for the day when men of ‘ / / op , . = lype wilt CONS iile a vedi, eff ecill ve, vildt Ma

Ye old-fashioned Americans do not propose to a. , “eS : ,: cily-slicked by boondogeling bureaucraly poi Oo , , os (al 1ain Communists, British impertalists (the 4 i

lnion Now gang), and a thousand and one other

> . 25 ; ve , "9 > ef , ou CN Ciimoveyr conndence yen, and SMARC Oll P . ‘ a men, who are tworeing day ana MILT I On > hp} P 1] Ly / j yacies flo compel HS 10 SWalLOW aA PUNAKCA

n pills in the name of war-time emervencte

f Christian is a traitor. He has adopt 1 the slogan ( First 1 \ l ind would like his followers to belicve that he is the American St. Paul Smith gives the impression that he 1s support d by influential Republicans and evi lently hopes to become a kesman for the Republican Party's extreme 1 olation- wing. He boasted in 1940 of receiving “big money” from Republican interests and said that Ohio and Micht

Republican leaders had sent him to the Philadelphia convention. He told at least one person that he had n In his speeches Representatives Clare Hoffman and Roy Woodruff of Michigan, Senator Vandenberg, and a half-dozen other isolationists, includ- ing Gerald Nye, Robert Reynolds, and Martin Dies, are frequently mentioned in a chummy fashion and always

th praise. Nye and Reynolds wrote laudatory comments and the Flag; Woodruff litorial in the Congressional Rec- mith tells his meetings that for “real unity” Nye Reynolds Secre-

{ { War David Wal ns retary of! the Navy

tary of State and

I rvh pl 1 in charge of the air for Smith has ) with tsolationist leaders in Congress ; their si pport in some form tn

has challenged Wendell

Wi whom lescribes as “a New Deal fifth col- \ in the R i Party, “to come into the state of Michigan and make a 5; ) against me.” His nomt- nation to the United States Senate as a Republican,

be construed as the

repudiation of Wendell Willkie’s fifth columnism,’ Political observers tend to disparage Smith's cha of winning in the G. O. P. primary, but his defeat no means certain. He has long had connections important sections of the Michigan machine, and port from his Congressional friends, if it is fort] could be decisive. Smith probably is counting on help from Michigan industrialists, whom he has assiduously courting. His frequeat and vehement att on Walter Reuther, his sugary references to Ford his demand that non-defense spending be cut are par the process. In addition, Smith knows the political g His ability to trade with political leaders, deal “reaso ably” with seekers of special privilege, and talk the Ja guage of the ward bosses almost outwitted the tough manipulators in Louisiana. It is conceivable that the qualities may succeed in Michigan.

If Smith can capture the Republican nominati will have a better than fair chance to join his friends,” Nye and Reynolds, in the Senate. Michigan ; ulmost made to order for his type of appeal. The : trial sections are swarming with poor whites from K tucky and Tennessee: on Woodward Avenue in D one can hear the drawl of thousands who have loned their Southern Main Streets for new jobs at R

re '?

\ouge and other war plants. The Ku Klux K

growing in Michigan; it is playing down its Catholic activities and secking cooperation with ¢ linite groups. It is reported to have 18,000 memb

Detroit, many of them in the automobile plants Committee of One Million is growing, too, and an ince of the three would be formidable. The Sojour Truth riots revealed the hates which Smith can Prentiss Brown, the incumbent Senator, has been a sistent New Dealer and will have the support ot Michigan C. I. O., but he is a weak candidate. At state Protestant, Brown was almost defeated by a ¢ linite in a 1936 primary fight. His hold has sin strengthened, but the influx of thousands of new ° pset his favorable balance.

Regardless of his fortunes in the Senatorial

could easily u

Smith will continue to be a dangerous member ot “fuhrer fringe.” He is a thoroughly accomplished igogue and has more political acumen than m his fellow-messiahs. His new Coughlinite backing v make him the spokesman for American defeatism, a: that he may fill even more effectively than his pred sor. More important, he appears to have become focal point of a new alliance between outright fasc: and their more subtle and respectable friends in | and industry. Smith is acutely aware of his position wrote in The Cross and the Flag, “We expect led appeasers, t irtles, Copperheads, fascists,

ef ryry fifth col 1m

Semiutes, rac keteers

even candidates for the Cliveden set.” Why not?

The NATION

nists, rumor mongers, 4nd

May

they matt T

read

Dixie Drive on Labor

BY BERNARD TAPER

HE anti-labor bills promoted by that crusading Southern trio Connally, Smith, and Vinson have at last been shelved, and the nation-wide hysteria

was whipped up in the name of war production but reality primarily to benefit Southern business and in- is gradually subsiding. The United States has won

ite from organized hate.

During the Battle of the Forty-Hour Weck I was ng through the South, having left San Francisco

is it was beginning, and just as the first casualties

Pearl Harbor were being released from the city hos-

San Francisco, confronted by that reality, was | and sobered. shipfitter’s helper in one of the San Francisco Bay a young man who had been a museum attendant - taking a vocational course in shipfitting, said to ry seriously, “I want you to write me and tell me

t the shipy ards on the East Coast. I get a good day’s

here—I can’t complain about that—but I want to

1 full day for it. Here we don't; the foreman keeps ng around and telling us to go hide out in the hull kill a little time because the plates aren't ready or ise some pie e of equipment we need is being used where else.’’ He shrugged. “Maybe that’s the way building is everywhere. But Iet me know. I'd like to

some yard where I can start in the morning and

straight through a whole day.”

the South, further removed from the war and war luction, the atmosphere was very different. The

rgency was less immediate and could be used as a

xt for hunting witches and making money. And th«

ilation of the South was showing the effects of our

ganda barrage since the 1936

<

papers’ greatest propa nti-Roosevelt campaign. In a fashionable restaurant in Atlanta, Georgia, three men sat at a table near me. One of them took a news- er clipping out of her handbag. “Have you seen she asked. It was a photograph of an American lier. “This boy died,” she said, “and here’s the r he wrote home the week before he was killed.” read it with emotion. “ ‘We're going into action, we need all the equipment we can get. We're ready fight, we're ready to die. But you have to help us. ease don’t allow labor to strike any more, don’t let them slow up production any more. What do a few cents

natter to them when we're ready to give our lives?’ ”

There wasn’t a dry eye at the table. “I want you to

one of the women said.

read that tonight at the club,”

“Yes, dear, vou must,” said the other. “Just like you read it now.

And the newspapers which had first planted in our soldiers’ minds the picture of America as a land torn by strikes, the factories and machines idle, eagerly re- broadcast these prejudices and half-truths.

A welder whom I talked to in Atlanta said, ‘That's right, we're only working six days a week here. The factories are closed on Sunday.”

“How come?”

“There's a law against working on Sunday here. It ain't religious.”

Forums on the forty-hour week were held in the wash- rooms of all the trains. On the Sweetwater-Houston run the fat man said he was a Houston business man. Next to him was a shopkeeper from Spartanburg, South Caro- lina, who was “just visiting out here in Texas.” They addressed themselves to a dark-haired, agreeable-looking sailor, still in the uniform of the Coast Guard though in the process of being transferred to the regular navy. I was shaving.

“They ought to be shot, those strikers,”’ said the Hous- ton business man. ‘Here are you fellows dying and that goddam labor is layin’ down on the job. Ain't that so?”

“Sure,” said the sailor.

“They ought to draft them strikers,” said the shop- keeper.

“They ought to shoot ‘em,”” said the business man. “Just like sabotoors. That right?”’

“Sure,”’ said the sailor, “damn right

‘Now these bills we got in Congress now. Too mild, I say.”

This went on. Finally I said, ‘How many strikes do you think there are now in war industries?”

“Plenty,” said the business man. “Too damn many,” said the other. “But as a matter of fact,” I said, “there aren't any strikes of any consequence—there are maybe three hun- dred men all told out on strike right now.”

The men didn’t answer, not questioning the facts but not believing them either—not in the way the club- women believed the dead soldier. For the newspapers they read had been assiduously working up an anti-labor attitude based on emotion and prejudice. How well the campaign had succeeded was illustrated by the bewilder- ment of the Baltimore machinist who said to me, “Jesus Christ, I'm working ten hours a day, six days a week, and my wife looks at me like I was a skunk!”

I g down overtime pay, this machin t

H uut deflating some of the fat boys

f | 10 long.’’” Th h the inflation ; 1 the editorial columns as one of

) argui s for the repeal of the forty-hour

t of the matter was discussed very little;

1 acade! for popular consumption in the South.

1 one exception all the soldiers and sailors I ques-

1 expr ! anti-labor sentiments, not with deep if it were expected of them. One air-

lon't think labor's getting a fair

feye mrivate ee 1! priva 41d,

| in th I think a workingman should be allowed

to make a decent living.’’ Then he looked around to sce f this radical statement had been overheard.

I h the instigators of the anti-labor movement

1 to give it the aspect of a popular national up-

risil it was very largely a Southern and Southwestern

ffair, and conservative financial journals now declare

t its St ‘ss would have served the interests not so

much of the war industries as of the small, less essential

il of the Southern economy. The first edi-

rials urging rep ul of the forty-hour week appeared in

Oklahoma n wspapers,

nation's 10,000.00

1 state containing only 28,000 ) industrial workers. The cam- mn got under way in earnest with a circular letter written by Thomas J. Wallner of Nashville, Tennessee, nt of the Southern States Industrial Council, which Chambers of Commerce, and

1 Southern em] loyers

,

A Central European lederation

BY MILAN HODZA pire

l THIS war is not t

for another and ev

end simply by setting the stage n more devastating struggle, the st-war position of Germany must be given central formulation of peace plans. The

lf will not mean the final end

f rressive German nationalism. The continuity of

German nationalism ts a historical fact, and it must be

It with as such. How in we guarantee that German hall never again be renewed?

P ts 1 means in Germany's disarma- rt » revisers, in its dismemberment; in th nstruction of a worldwide federation

W il | I! le (; rmanhy is a We I] Vv itch “ mecem- ber. | e are all sound rrestions no doubt, but one r remains certain: no matter how completely G r

is det vill continue to endanger the

f f rid e to come is protected

by res on fat ing than any yet tri i. We

>

The NATI yN

and |

newspapers to promote mass-meetings

designed to “destroy labor unions.”’

One such meeting was held in Montgomery, rate bama, on March 30, with about two thousand ¢ tself in people present. After a few preliminary remarks atta lent nat labor Colonel George Cleere, former commander o! d American Legion of Alabama, read a violently | len resolution urging Congress to prohibit strikes, : ny d the open shop, and repeal the forty-hour week. 7 Like crowd cheered

At this point a man in the audience stood up. “ r to offer a substitute resolution,”’ he said. He out the progress of produc tion, praised labor for lo tarily abstaining from strikes, and urged that “) yw gomery, Alabama, stand by the President.”” This t force I received with cheers.

A gray-haired, distinguished-looking man then | to his feet. “I consider this resolution incendiary advised,” he shouted. Another man, speaking in a Th voice, seconded the substitute resolution. When “This country’s strength and glory must be free was th not slave labor,” there were cheers again. S

An hour-long attempt to work out a comp1 The n failed. ““‘We will now close the meeting,” the ch announced somewhat ruefully. “I urge you all to p buying defense bonds!” It was obvious that even in | ve t South, haven of prejudice, the anti-labor sentim tterly by no means the unanimous mandate that ¢ Smith, and Vinson had claimed.

4 Lf

must remember that Germany's armies were thorou MT defeated less than twenty-four years ago, that Germany t thi was disarmed and reduced in territory, and that ou But o that defeat and post-war turmoil emerged an even . was tl aggressively nationalistic Germany. Whether Germany vf the was represented by Stresemann—"“I had to wear the rat mask of peace”—or by Hitler, Europe has wit the U enough to know the foolishness of presuming that the Worl end of German imperialism will come automaticail Cer military defeat in this war. Russi:

In no forceful people's life can there fail to basin nationalistic period. France had to pass through the ind Ic of the Bourbons and of Napoleon. Great Britait Mora perienced a similar development from the time slav-( Spanish wars to Waterloo. When British imperialism ha Austr lowed down its violent course, German nationalism was Bulga

st beginning tts career, Bismarck’s wars were among its whicl manifestations but were not its climax. That was to come 000,0

Centr

+

rava siav-Gre tria.

rari

1 } I

i

) O00, In passing,

ropean bulwark 1s not new: for a century tt 1 1 1 ' h of many political leaders of old Austria ) ] 4 1 Rumanians and even some German Austrians.

1 cou d

historian

to declare that Austria, if it did not exist, would be invented. However, the Hapsburgs failed

» mal yf Austria a barrier to Berlin's plans for ropa It is tf vat from 19006 to 1914 the

Ferdinand d’Este, hoped this aim by new domestic and iest years of my _ political a deputy in the old Hungarian Parliament I

who were urging

a federalist plan to lualist Austria-Hungary, and it was along similar

Prince hoped to strengthen the i

as ae

[hose plans failed:

World War the il nations of Central Europe One of

the reformers had to leave task of liberating +}

eels

a Nistoric

ore dt grea

rs accomplished at Versailles was this liberation of the greatest errors committed at Versailles

to strengthen the freedom and security

new nations by providing for the organic co- n of all their economic and military forces. Will

veat this error after the Second

Nations re]

il Europe, the area between Germany an 1 Soviet can be defined in “geopolitical” terms as th six rivers—the Polish Vistula and the midd! er Danube with its affluents: the Czecho-Slovak

and Waag, the Yugoslav Morava, a ek Vardar. Politica Poland,

1, Greece,

,

nd the lly it means eight countries Czecho-Slovakia

Yu

, la,

Hungary, Ruman

and roslavia, the population of

he statistics of 1937, was 110,-

according to t

efftectiy rope. Wi the Lit

gan to eva} 2 i | 7

in March, 1 Of cour liminate t ropean nati mM r oO! more a if - ,

if lf » Si

ite to say “the Rur p with the comforta iously met nly from Sovict R then being led | { that his ntry

>/ 50 an |

an)

lish and Cz 1g the unar ; pul lished ent pledgin ymmiuttees ¢

rse a real di but th Europe cal they are n

reorganizatio ration”

greemen

~ an)

} nowevcr

and evel

ncountered ni

tf) hl.

al inter

I

‘ t

t reminds

>

> ALT tin re + ; ( > th ind ! betw

conte mplate |

| European |

a barrier against

itente, which we

ind

considered

a stepping-stone

nism but also ration in the wh

to

Ol]

le

ire

| ichiecve

¢

Qi

1 its regional eff

when Hitler’s march

NHO py} | : P loub]

into

+

1 }

‘

i\ f y ref 1 | i) ' { [ 0 ! vty nad i 1 IVCIY)

1” +]

;

h and > En pa iS reto!

many

] OWard mor;r

Central

ext

} ’ cuiven

i}

Ri

if

mm ¢

with Germany and even with Italy. Poland—or rather

Polish regime of that period—had long since been going its own way, and had already signed a non-aggres- ion pact with Germany. In fact, in the period of “co operation which lasted until very recently, Central Europe had as many policies as it had nations. Germany, on the other hand, had only one POLIcy for Central Eu- into an arsenal and larder for the totalitarian crusade against democracy. Facing these facts, we must see that t

boat in , t »* linae renew Central European COO} eration or coordina

tion’ would obviously be not only foolhardy but im-

pos

pr ice must pr Vid

ble. For the security of the democratic world the a new system for Central Europe that will be able to guarantee unity of policy and action. Phat means a federation. Eight sovereign foreign minis-

ters and eight sovereign armies might fail—as they did

fail—to align their policies. Let us therefore unite them in order to obtain a new and effective sovereign power.

With respect to the framework of a federated Central Europe, it 1s clear that federation implies a common government headed by a federal chancellor and consist- ing of at least four secretaries responsible for foreign affairs, defense, finances, and economy, including inter-

itional trade. Communications, shipping, civil aviation,

and other common interests ought to be intrusted at Icast 1 part to the federal administration. A congress, demo- raticall 1 or consisting of delegates trom demo- cratic national parliaments, would levy taxes and pass islation affecting the federal departments.

According to the European constitutional custom, an

elected federal “head of state’ would be required in

{dition to the chancellor. Those national dynasties hich have provided valiant leadership for their people the time of their greatest ordeal will survive. and republi hould pt them as a fact in the same way iat k ould pt the republicanism of their fed- erated partner Political wisdom would further suggest that each state in the federation occupy some outstanding

t in the federal government; in addition to the posts

idy mentioned, there would be judges for the su- ]

court, commanders for the army, navy, and air e, and ministers without portfolio. In the individual federal department business should of course be ted the nationals of the ites. * it precedents for joint action can be found in the t hi of Central Euroy The Hapsburg empire, h is someti ited, obviously cannot be confused rad of ft natior But the f h of t t nations betwee the lirst and the S rld \W reveals instances of ct rat 1 the econor field ¢ ignite il ot tol underrated. *A det ! ! proposed t he thor j t k recently { I !

In 1932, in the midst of the worldwide agrik

depression, six Central European governments und

an official cooperation which resulted in the organi:

of the Agrarian Bloc of Central Europe. The impo:

I of this bloc can be fully appreciated only if one 1 that on the average not less than 64 per cent inhabitants of the eight countries of Central Eur: farmers. The formation of this bloc was not m mercly by the usual desire of farmers for higher On the contrary, it symbolized an organized and struggle to obtain minimum living standards for democracy of about 70,000,000 people and them effective consumers of industrial products. | six Cooperating nations there was fostered a fi solidarity which did not soon lose its intensity. In fact, it became and continued to be a factor. At the meeting of the Interparliamenta: ference of Trade in London in September, 19 report on the agricultural situation in Central | was given with the full support of the six natior had been members of the Agrarian Bloc. And interests of my own country I was able to obt construction of a network of preferential treat:

the other five Danubian countries.

There is ample evidence that most of Central E democracy will not hesitate to take the step toward that they see clearly its economic advantages. Thes well expressed in a recent article in Free Worla Stanczyk, the Polish labor leader, member of th government-in-exile. Under the title A Federati Central Europe Mr. Stanczyk wrote that “the inhal of Central-Eastern Europe and of the Balkans hay exploited by German industry,” and that “in the they must establish a united economic bloc—not ficial political coalition—which will make possi! participation in a system of international exchan goods and services.” Most of the Polish leaders, t less of party affiliation, are taking an attitude whi be considered either directly favorable to the idea of or at least favorable to the principle of close: between the nations. In Rumania the only den and therefore the only real, authority is sure to participation in a union. In Bulgaria the situatior to be the same.

Austria's position is peculiar to its own natur

in be no doubt that Austria possesses many of ¢! cial characteristics of a nation. Nevertheless, it ha times scemed anxious to merge its identity with t its northern neighbor. The Austrians reason, \ vood deal of truth: “Of course we are too small indey endent; we are also too independent to be a district of Germany We feel interested in Central Europe, but there

‘power’ in Central Europe, and in so far as it s

The NATION

not to spe ak of Nazi Gert

hive Cc Hunga Czech

‘ 1 - + ] ry ty is that the Austrians may not succeed in recon-

their own conflicting views. If the democratic

yf a Catholic-Socialist compromise prevails, then

( t be considered fit for entering a federation at nt. However, Hungary is still being led, as it has termine Peas the dancbibinead iedieiin eta vhich

r centuries, Dy its traditional ruling class, which that the peasants and workers are exclu led from

| influence. The picture will become more hopeful the Hungarian democracy eventually gains control. this connection it is worth while to recall the rela bet er eee vy in Central vetween nationalism and democracy in Central

In ail the Central European nations cx ept Hun-

|

onalism evolved simultaneously with democratic

The landlords, the big industrialists, and the t lis ' 1 my. © mies OF tne poli icaik iliperties Ol ni

This identification of the political with the 1 1 ] nd racial adversary resulted logically enough in

Central European democracy ts strengthened by

motionalism, and its nat

ratic prin iples. Hungary is the exception. ill Central European countries democracy has had tht hard to survive: in some of them it has at times

mbed. This enhances the democratic value of a

1

Central European federal congress based upon a strictly ratic ballot, for the weak state democracies would n the numerical and moral support of the democ- j

f f the whole federation.

on | 4 4 ve

federated Central Europe wo pment of a regional pact to the

f effectiveness. It 1s the in

any larger federation, of a new “world order,” the hoy of all who are co rned for the fate kind ( er } ints of view on the } f-war ? NSIT N ”? Central Europe will be presente d in two subsequent f, one by Ruastem Vambe ry, hairman of the Ex W- ; Ce uncil of l "4 Ame rican Fed yalion of Di Ii , Hungarians, and the second by Antonin Basch, 1 d

} ‘ Czech CCONOMUSLE Now leach ing at Brown Unive

NEXT-DOOR NEIGHBORS

1) w! i ‘ e Harbor they 11 tl 1 Say I j y y 11k i i re | and

EARL BROWDER is allow

1 1 a nis cei

ian \ i

DAVID DUBINSKY’S follow

Garment Wor rs [

SOME PRISONERS at a G

outside the camp thi ul | it to the l Oo! reached the r ) r

BERNARD D'ARCY,

Manhattan office and the Brooklyn Tab/et is L. K. Smith's The C1

as su ors to 3 fal

THE WRITER of Marshal Ti nko

where Timo nko was | said to be d nded

In the Wind

’ 4 ‘ ‘ 1 WW ) j a } ' 1 t i ) j )

rch r ¢ } \ rj \ { ) i Vv j | itor ‘ i a W ) { i \ r . ! In ord ) ' i rte | | t} { A, ) 1 in ¢ f\ C1 ! try ti iw r and New

t he wro I 13

i k iif B i

poor }f are i

’ | ) A ) in

300KS and the ARTS

Sydn Australia. Li nant Jack Le ( n Im action In Syria and was Var tary cross fof il intry in acts M feather by a young woman as he walked along the stree in « i clothes. Perry said nothing but giass eye in the woman's hand NEWS ITEM.

Imagine a crowded war-time street

Down Under. See as little as |

ihe woman gf! him as they meet Pas ny, sol Nil i feather Try 1O make ¢ t this n nh who Ww £r< lig D . lan going by. , é We€u aI Ve é ’

tle thought; I have seen too much sand for judgment or anger. It may be I, \ll men « the feathers |

j é { fhe feather

Notes by the Way

HERWOOD ANDERSON was a “mid-A:

Law! e. His books. in their day. were

} { ! P . P 5 , a ] tion to the powerful, primary impulses of sex and

I

their name he scorned the taboos, social and moral, designed

to curb them, and in particular he denounced the seari efi on the “natural man” of our industrial civilizatio: And n's attitude toward direct experience and | f | te bound by the values of the money-grubbing ‘ nv h he found hi fail to be charmed by his story, M rs’ (Harcourt, Br $3.75), of how at tl ! ( so having l¢ ided th t writing was his recreat ‘ 1 out on } busine 1 his family } ha eased to | re | nd the re on t toward writing itself A lercor cat idered the art t power of gift which absolved its possessor of the ordinary nsibilities of mankind—this made very ricture of his father in “A Story-Teller’s Story” and ; of his own ( 'b

imself remain admi

r¢ gic, control is neither possible nor desirable. He it often of the discipline of writing, but his novels ) memoirs are a study in non-discipline ; and he is for b claiming responsibility for his imagination and its w The effects of this sentimental romantic belief i: th fallibility and impunity of the creative impulse, Witho of expression as a species of automatic writing, are « I to the full in his final testament. The ‘Memoi: oe, tain some interesting sections, notal ly his account of he calls the Robin’s Egg Renaissance. There are « spiri descriptive passages, amusing stories, to prove that tar was authentic; and his never-ending interest in and veo) will toward human beings finds continuous expres defe like his novels the “Memoirs” are long-winded, re} the and soft—the unrestrained outpouring of a writer fi Lk to { writing had become increasingly a form of self-ind n ai

His short stories—though, significantly, they \Il th

described as sketches—were less subject to the fl _— vitiate the novels. The single imaginative thrust w wireed to his talent and to his primitive and essentially | the Di eption of art. “The short story,” he writes, “is the e

a sudden passion. It is an idea grasped whole as or th

pick an apple in an orchard. All of my own short sie ave been written at one sitting.” Or again, “I am 1 hy who can peck away at a story. It writes its¢ lf, as t b |} used me merely as a medium, or it is n. g.”

Fundamentally, though unconsciously, Anderson ; iscipline, order, and idea—that is to say, conscious ini 1al control—in art as well as in life. To him .

and feeling were all that mattered—and his novels bn Memoirs” are a chaos of impulse and feeling, r + tha

nert and shapeless because they lack the bones of t » MARGARET MAR -

Europe’s Future he pes F

THE FRANCE OF TOMORROW. By Albert ¢ t Harvard University Press. $3.50. t at!

R. GUERARD’S book should have been entit!« 1 by

France of Yesterday and the Europe of Ton

One seeks in vain for his views on the future org

France; on the other hand, his analysis of tl the political, and social conditions which determined ihe au of France is the most interesting one so far pul lish - h United States; moreover, the author makes an tm ni ontril ution to the study of the Europe of the fut pt |

Mr. Guérard warns us that his study is not “mec! SGuerar

rective’: having “thoughts and feelings, he d that 7 express them, not to suppress them.” He does not I s |

If to exposing the facts; he evaluates them. He a “suerar

1¢ reactionary and nationalist bourgeoisie the respon 5 ir France's role in the events of June, 1940, und a ne the faults of the United States and England in the d ee | tion of the international situation between 1919 and | Insist ¢

tlity of the French military

of France,

Nn h Revol 1t10n

Dreyfus affair

who, with sa

JOY,

feat of the French armies the opportunity of destroy |

nd }

i i

us is the more in

Saf

a

us entoura

y

incien régime. He heaps contempt

;

j

aqistin

One of

}

itorship of the Middle Class. He

regime and leading the French of 1940 I re of conscious or unconscious traitors.

iportant in that the author makes

tion between the French peop

entitled

' his most interesting ititied

shows how 1 nd

: 1 +; ) ies Of social tions

e founded on inequali cond ind ould not be a democracy. On the other hand, his s of French governmental institutions is weak. Cer- is right in not defending the constitution of 1875, ills ‘ta monarchical instrument, unwanted by the w ho W ite it “3 B if he passes too quickly trom his 1 of the imperfection of this constitution to ondemnation not only of parliamentariar ism but resentative government. It would seem to me more ( in the weakness of the French regime by the t the con tion of 1875 was not sufficiently demo- Nothing could be decided in France, either in govern- r admit tion, without the consent of the Senat Senat of the way it was elected, represented peo} of | t the French bourgeoisie and ll the rural bou This is a very important » which American public opinion does not give suffi- ttention. The dictatorship of the middle class was exer- y the Senate. The parli tary democracy cot ned Guérard was not a true democracy rror of analysis impairs the value of all that part ok which treats of | overnment of the future hor’s approach to this problem is abstract and gen- peaks for the world as a whole and not for France h is an error, for a good system of government must itself to the temperament of its | ople What Mr. 1 proposes is the absolute government of a president, to say, the American system disembarrassed of Con it enriched by t exe I of th feren lun Mr rd arrives at a government by experts because he re

)

on

the

| ’ id the technica

dan

' ] 1 peo or their representatives the col re ‘ 1 o { nne ] Ol ne polit il pi yblems of the hour ns to m a contusion | ween the politi 1S] s of vyovernmen It ist less to } ; Ol ich a cor on ¢ cra i uci i | J Cy

ro in pro | thy ' f l il] ) } i I pe: I { on t t } nto a federatior even a c it

he supports with histori proofs, t

ri I

’ | +e + +} many | re [ f nthe ft v4 Wo ld e as contrary » 1 1 A

only to ik German unity and d Wy G but to destroy French unity 1 ynal the new Europe will be a \ ouping ¢ r yns assuring “the libert 1 i!

ramous

liberty which reasonable as the liberty which would all regard traffic laws or gangsters to |

In brief, 4

while I am far from ay

ve read and meditated by all who wish t

happen 1 in June, 1940, and to reflect

ind the Europe of tomorrow will be.

The Book as Experience

THE PRIVATE READER: SELE¢ By Mark Van Doren

( nany. ¢ ;

AX I*T 1 NY THE act of bringing h ritical Mr. Van Doren makes plain that | no mo f 1IOoOW ON he ts to be a f ! ' P | 0 [ yf in enouyn O make O 1 1 1! | ] ti nN 4 | Or mS ¢ or ! ) VhnO have writt ipou , ‘ . and ve 1nd writing about book 5 is t 1 1 5 i nt and more fruitful » I | ° } | ] ul 1. Most ewers iOOK UPON a DOOK a5 a Cl

black

Doren, to whom criticism is ‘‘an art at whi

assist,"” and for whom the critic

ideas, the general tendency of his book is exce

12D ARTICLE!

S

thing, from

*- and hurry into the

Ty Cal

iselves to him naturall\

lies a good deal closer to life and

}

1s not to be but lib-

ul

“immobilized” need for releasing it rather than pinning it Van Doren’s last word, as it is perhaps his only helps to explain why his criticism, con- emporary books and

wear

modern criticism does not wear well, though sharper and subtler and far more provocative critics Van Doren are perhaps two reasons for m and the assumed role tends to set up conditions

standards too oppr ce them something

uinst which a book is not neasured as into

it must fit. As a result. acquire—or fail to

r the critic, he 1:

he seldom share is no longer, in print ooks; there is only ap- re personal, more that they gave us

in any sense of the word,

aily

interesting and illuminating

of all this wer

n Doren can fit what

ng beca e OF him-

' ist an autobiograpni-

r: indeed, he Jacks the

a Lamb or a Hazlitt, roach to books than he is quiet of voice ke his prose, are cool with no foolish or ense of whol

with com]

d by d Ine then one feels that he stands it he has not busted out about this «

that in the troubled life of the

y at times approa hes remotene

this is never callousness: and one comes to feel at

I humanitarianism is so instinctive that he has never

he need, as have some of the rest of us, of emphasizins is a result of temperament as well; Mr. Van

Doren is no more a crusader than a cynic, no more a revolu- tionary crit than a fashional le one That may be why he

wears well: he does not speak for any one particular moment.

All this Doren's specific

icaves me no space for comment on Mr Var judgments on books and movies. T! doesn't share some of his enthusiasm or agree with his opinions is not of much importance, particularly

} +} ’ ; | - the enthusiasms are healthy and the opinions sane. M

Doren’s best insights are at once simple and prof 1 when he remarks of ‘Leaves of Grass” that for all it have Ous gospel of comradeship, it is ‘one of the lonelies: ustinguls

ever written.’’ But his most characteristic comments |i ent coun

+ les . . . to wit; let me instance a remark about a certain modern poetry: “The appearance of labor is not or

ferred; it is praised LOUIS KRONENBI

Mormon Family Portrait

A LITTLE LOWER THAN TI ANGELS. By Sorensen. Alfred A. Knopt 62.75. HIS novel tells the story of Joseph Smith's I

their sojourn in Nauvoo, and e: community and the beginning of search of a land where they mi rant neighbors. Mrs, Sorensen an old Mormon family and a grad niversity, has presented her peop! warm compassion and a sharp sense of personal

Instead of her material as a historical page

reveals the travail of this determined, often despe:

of believers through the eyes and heart of Mercy B

first wife of the colony who had to accept the ignot

another wife in her home—a humiliation which even upon her children.

In the dilemma of Mercy and her husband S$ author has illustrated an ethical problem which n faced many of the Mormons when the doctrine of | was introduced: Simon, though more than happily and by no means a libertine, was virtually forced to a second wife, in spite of his instinctive repugnai his fear of wounding Mercy. But the Mormons w that plural marriage was an inseparable part of their «

a creed that was more than a theology, that envi

1

total struggle against unhappiness and intellectual

“Man is that he might have joy,’ Joseph Smith pre

his people, and woman's functions, he clearly impli

to furnish as much of that joy as possible and to a lly to the number of God's chosen people. That men were actually a hard-mouthed, joyless lot in their theoretical beliefs was due in part to the | that constantly attended their lives, in part also to t! incompromising moral sense that they inherited fr Protestant ancestors

Of the many novels that have the Mormons as ground this seems to me the most intensely dran the most satisfyingly written. Mrs. Sorensen’s prose and distinguished, often poetic without being pret Her instinctive sympathy with the spiritual and jf yearnings of the Saints, who thrived on adversity at fused to yield a single inch in their doctrines or pract

the face of mobs or legal coercion, produces a stirrit this ‘ R 1$ Coun of quiet heroism. LOUIS B. SALOMON

yearning

May 16, 1942

Genius of Spain

VIRGIN SPAIN: THE DRAMA OF

A GREAT PEOPLE.

|

Waldo Frank. Duell, Sloan, and Pearce. $3.50 [ LONG last some intelligent officials at Washington ave sent Waldo Frank, upon the urgent request of hed Hispano-Americans, to Argentina and adja- untries to convey to our neighbors the significance mmitment to defeat Hitler and his satellites. Need- say, Latin America as a whole, despite the official - of its many governments to diplomatic protocols, eye to eye with us in this formidable task. There deal of evidence that thus far we have failed to

Argentinians and Chileans—and not only them lemn determination to destroy the Fascist hydra 1g our way of life. All the millions we have spent propagation of Spanish in this country have not pro- among our intellectuals a half-dozen capable of speak- idiom of Latin America. To speak Latin Amert e mechanics of Portuguese and Spanish does not Waldo Frank, who is about to make a tour of lectures tacts which in reality may be regarded as a continua- his brilliant tour of 1929, is perhaps the American e ed to show them that they and we can create and a spiritual solidarity, in spite of the many differ

s that appear to keep us apart. | ask how Waldo Frank achieves the authority to Hispano-America, we find the answer in his Spain,”” originally published in 1926 and now re- The illustrious Mexican poet ind riti Alfonso he new introduction to the book reveals how Waldo Frank, fired by a missionary zeal to make a spiritual the Americas, felt the need to see Spain before ¢ his vision of an integrated American world. inderstood that what mattered t America was less than what it can he sought in Spain the vir- of the will toward the future, the dynamic love, hausted by her historical mishaps, of Spain's tran- nt aspiration.”

Virgin Spain’ has appealed to Spaniards and their an cousins as no other book among the many written Spain. Some of its meatier sections were published ras Revista de Occidente. The books of Gauthier, k Ellis, Borrow, have perhaps greater esthetic values Virgin Spain,” but none of them probe so deeply into

being of Spain or call forth such unquestioning a ance. Leén Felipe the Spanish poet now living in { », transmuted the difficult language of Frank into

Castilian prose. Frank in Spanish becomes imme lucid and communicable

Virgin

1 States, and here the re«

Spain” was intended for the people of the sponse has been disappointing. Its purpose was somewhat like that which made possible Mont St. the motives and moods that went into the composition \ irgin Spain”

ral

Henry Adams's Michel and Chartres."’ To un-

would be to produce a long essay on the

currents in this country from 1910 to 1930. Suffice

) say here that dissatisfaction with the cultural level

‘country, dim apprehension about the future, and nervous yearning for spiritual cohesiveness of a higher order were

some of the disturbing factors that 1 creative artists into exile and made writers search fa nd

wide fo rets of iter | As fa ick as 1919 Waldo Frank formulated the 1 { l

rather to lift America into self-knowledge t]

ion] ~ ° 7 9% 7 > 4

luminous so that she may shine, vibrant so th

articulate.”’

Frank went to Spain, then, to seek the meaning of An can civilization, for in Spain during the fifteen | teenth centuries had taken place a political and experiment which, if understood in all its Impl would throw a flood of light upon the American scene with its groping and embryonk attempts to create a much

necded spiritual unity. This hunger for unity is the key to start with Chapter VII, The Will of the Catholic Kings. Besides embodying the essence of the book, it may open new vistas upon what is occurring today. Once the book is mastered, one in

the book. The reader would do well to

readily see that “Virgin Spain’ 1s as monistic as its author's philosophy Its greatness and pe rhaps its weakness are trace

able to the am lous perspective from which Frank views

|

the omplex and recalcitrant world that is Spain. Everything 1 1 1 1

—sky, scene, the psyche of the Spaniard, dances, paintin

the bull fight, monuments, politi s, literature—is submitted

AMUSEMENTS

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578

to the fascinating concept of unity from which they emerged. Frank's thesis is that Spain is the result of innumerable

racial strains—Celt, Iberic, Roman, Phoenician, Copt, Arab,

Berber, Jew, Visigoth—which the miraculous matrix of the

land and its history has reduced to an imposing whole. But

the vicissitudes of time and space effected only an ethnic

unity, which the clashes of culture have obscured. Spain was

the first country in the history of modern Europe to use the

weapons of dogma and organized force, church and state,

to create an ideological unity that anticipated in more than

one sense the blueprints of Nazi totalitarianism. The master-

the

session instinctively

mind of scheme was Isabel, the Catholic who in het:

mystical ol invented or rediscovered

\odern weapons to dissidents—the institution of to

re or the Inquisition, expul

COW

10n Of minorities, foreign w.

}

of expansion, and propaganda. Her mad design was fed

the fires of a passion that S} ired neither friend nor foe

Isabel

pointed out

there be a precipitous inference that plan was

lentical h Hitler's, it must be ' , universalism of th

d for

le for the For enthusi

} is d

DOOK 1S dISs

ir composition unerring

One 1

author §

ontemplation o civilization unity ed ju birt)

their

vho, knowing

ig achieven

the un achi

ilizing it for centuri

The Struggle for Islam (RDITERRANEAN FRONI] $:

}

SCC Wwinl Dace

of the minions of the senile Marsha

Wavell, “We have had

The NA ION

intended to weaken the British on the norther:

Africa.

It was i

from a realistic military point of view—to go to

Greece, for the sixty thousand shattered

men would have |

English to go on to Tripoli, and if they had arriy

border of Tunis while Weygand was still in co:

French Africa, Allied forces might now have stretd the entire coast line of the African continent

: eee Moorehead points out also the vast ill luck

followed General Sir Archibald Wavell. In every

n this war in which he has been engaged, px

siderations have forced him to agree to thre

of victory were

to hi

just aS they ripening, O1

Far East, ht a campaign under conditions ¢

politics and jcalousies which made victory impo

+} + > cerning the decision to £o to

Cad Say

le. So Mr. Eden ar

cit fiew to Cairo to thra i sounded Out Sarajogi

Athens

hn aeroplane and Wavell, Cunnit ne, Longm« Then they cat

had seen and heard

th Africa to give his advi

pinion grew that we could risk this adv organize another and better Galli; man's opinion. It was c«

was the man

the recent necessity Of pleasing At

1@ WOrid COuld not fall

Greeks a

America and tl 1onored our pledge This

ective in the

of help to the

book shows the Ethiopian

pers} battle the Middle East. It olonged only as a delaying actio ians to try to kee British troops as po

being freed for use in the western desert and Syri servers who have been tn | Vichy

and y

Like most keen ol

worid controlled Dy government,

realizes the complete pro-Axis feelt

In our de

Admiral Robert in th V4 idies and with

JAQTIIUT. 1 ivascar We a

f German

administration,

Naziphil

Moorehe: British in action in

very much sma

» anti-British

shows preat adn

He

men and who barred the Axis fr

would

some setbac ks,

nd looking ck on it all, he say

some succ¢

erhaps the greatest British blunder of t!

n on the part of

Wilh

1

cen enough in all probability to €1

Tripoli The German neri acquit themselves a

an troops and generals a

ng of 1941 was likewise the months which lie ahead. PETER S1

16, 1942

IN BRIEF

1 I »y be Ur » mnsul ' . ' ol in 1786. |] ntil f y Ww h du 1e

' naval « 1s d, nd onded with { :

1 ot} O e { \ 15 er is I y pC ] § VO 1S r pet 7 t Vir a , 1] , it historians and O | rs } , 1] { ' 1 1 yortn d into or n 4 , ] its on the [ th cen ) ] if } » ] ij t¢ | I

er TIONS IN ( ONT! TERATURE. By

Oxford I

yd ring that he ] not set ) PICK I re imm< ils tc tie ' f *f ol nie I il f , ; y fa ies of©f 1ea 1 | l

on this principle, each man would e his own candidates. Mr. Buck’s

Pirandello,

’

Santayana, Hauptmann Proust, O'Neill, T Hitler, Sholokov

ns, Mann. It is an important sub

( ously enough, it is not very ing. It is a little too leisurely not very profound. It keeps on th ie of its subject o to speak In + t 1s ler

GREEK POLITICAL EXPERI-

ICE: STUDIES IN HONOR OP VILLIAM

KELLY PRENTICE. eton University Press. $3.

JAMES REVOLI

1 ne Bo

st ) ved } { }

try Lf

' a j

tive ) : .

$2.50 y4 Gra 4 y > Scr t 42 l S. g

TION ;-Me

MADISON: THE VIR NIST. By Irv

rrill ¢

( ishiof ¢ ' } S 1} > &

r vature: its

ind Human Ex

R lation to

DANCE

Flamenco, Spanish, and Spanish-American ARMEN AMAYA 1s : she is pure gipsy, with 10us 1 S wnoy i l S 1 H ; )

; | Ea " e y f ) [ ii f > da . t | n \y } ) | } y 4,

1 1) 1 in ist va \ } -ars '

S ) ri i V, Ke that oO 1 , ; one ot ndon- ‘ , haa , di ‘

1 ‘ ’ ence, she 1s elf hypnotized. Her every gest is a proclamation of living flesh and od, of the personal-eterna! Her feet bite into the ground like smail, ' ‘ ; guick anima iriven by a devouring hunger. IT] pple back sweeps into ; low-arched turns, snapping back from the long, uncoilin esture with sudden, ' impatient arroganc Arms, s, and ‘ re liv: y 1; Ty rso are ny ! Icaped In max

after climax on a fire that burns \ relenting brilliance until the dance 1s over and the lights go out

dance straight and hot from the b

as it is felt in the blood, not only of Carmen, but of the ancient gipsy race to

which she belongs. Flamenco is as for-

Yet the intense emotions it aro ; are familiar and profoundly stirring ! I only hope that Carmen loes not pe

HOW DID MY CONGRESSMAN VOTE?

Every one of us must have a satisfactory answer to that question before we mark

our ballots in this year’s primaries and on election day. The entire House and 34

Senators are to be chosen in November.”

THE TEST OF FITNESS IS THE VOTING RECORD

Was he right or wrong on the life-or-death issues debated and decided in the last

two years? Did he have foresight and courage or was he a blind obstructionist?

The NATION

A NEW REPUBLIC supplement, with this week’s issue

(now on sale), answers these and other vital questions

A Congress

to Win the War

In coéperation with the Union for Democratic Ac-

tion, The New Republic issues this week a special 32-page supplement “A Congress to Win the War.” The voting record of every sitting Congressman who is coming up for reélection has been examined. \ chart has been made showing how each member ted on twenty vital issues. At a glance you can see what your Congressman has done or failed to do, how every Congressman in the country has tood up under the impact of these years of deci- sion. No comparable study of Congress, so thor- ough and graphic, has ever been attempted. The war may not be won in 1942—but the peace can be! Battles as important as engagements ibroad will be fought out this fall in key Con- pers onal districts right here in America.

Who are the worst obstructionists in Congress?

Who are the men who retard the war effort out

of blindness or partisanship? Who are the best men—those who have seen what was needed and gone in and done it?

The most dangerous men must be defeated in Novem- ber! The far seeing and courageous leaders must be

returned!

Those in between, many of them competent though loyal followers of the party caucus, others mere rubber stamps or victims of unaccountable prej- udice, must be sifted and judged.

This supplement can help you make up your mind and you can help others and the nation by quoting it and distributing it. Like our “Voters’ Handbooks” of the past, and such supplements as “Democratic De- fense”’ and “The Lessons of Last Time,” it will be available for quantity purchase at low cost.

Just Published!

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THIRTEEN WEEKS’ TRIAL OFFER ONE DOLLAR

THE NEW REPUBLIC, 40 East 49™ Street, New York, N. Y.

lor the enclosed ONE DOLLAR (check or money order if possible) please send me The

Jew Republic for the next thirteen weeks.

Stili.

: Martinez, who appeared in the Iberica at the Theresa Kaut Auditorium of the Y. M. H. A. weeks ago, although not in a

’

with Amaya, is a fine fiamenco

' His style is incisive, his foot-

sometimes brilliant, and his whole

— ‘¢ disdainfully impetuous, as it P 1 be. Only when he takes a curtain

s his terpsichorean ferocity dis rin ashy, gentle smile and faintly It seems to me

would make a far better partner 1a

atory gesture

Antonio Triar with

1ya than ty 11 }

she occasionally dances. Triana’s k technique and all-occasion e transformed the Spanish zapa-

nto a kind of Broadway tap. Sofia

who contributed several very il Spanish songs to the program, h a poised, intimate charm, and 5 1 1wusness Rear 1es of | O if s at tne . Theater si weeks ago, A n nted her va 1 and extensive of Spat Jances. And she has h eat fide ind artistry, ral Latin Ar n nun S rtoire. The Viejitos, or Little Men, 1s as se to t oO I l as ricalized folk material e il ) if th ntic, O 1 the cl yraphy of the Mexican dance has been 1 for recital purposes, its quality ral pattern are largely retained ta is a pleasant dancer in the vhat restrained, class! vle. A con- 1 acco iplished irtist, she 1s h and subtle, and has an unassum rance. But she unfortunately lacks lamour without which the Spanish e is not quite Spanish, and tho igh programs offer enjoyment they pro- = no excitement return to flame? if you feel that about it, you should hear Villarino, aan ellent Spanish guitarist and singer.

ves a few numbers at the Casita in Village, and turns up occasionally on recital programs week igo at one of the Coffee Con- it the Museum of Modern Art, re he was the only noteworthy arti n otherwise dull pat hwork program . 4s

one of those pret

meduiocrities ; : sly intimate affairs. He plays with

ng and restraint, and he knows the

r music of Spain

VIRGINIA MI

RECORDS

ICTOR’'S April list offers one of

Bach's finest works, the Sonata

the violin and piano by Yehud: and Hephzibah Menuhin (Set 887, $2.63) The long, s uined lines of the rases of the Of ng Adagio are by the sw t ilts, the rhythr n-

] , nothit of his lat Oo f near a 1 1 the et 1; and his pa in the third move nt Adagio is too fast for 1 oper effect. The two Allegro 1¢ plays more ; t tory! rnist +} re t \ | YALISTLACLOTILY 1G i r¢ } Al sound of his tone ts more com + + ] } a | ind we il 1 nas veer

in early work with late revisions

Artur Rubinstein, Heifetz, and Feuer-

mann play very well together; and the

sound of their | formar on ¢t] CC-

ords is exce it pt for some rattles n with a heavy Astatic pickup

Of Brahn here are also two rarely 1 ' ' ' 1 I if | sone for alto, vioia OD ito, 1 piano Gestillte Sehnsucht’’ and

$2.63). ‘Geistliches Wiegenlied” is a setting of the Lope de Vega poem in the

Geibel-Heyse ‘Spanish Song Book” that

is the text of Hugo Wolf's wonderful

song “Die thr schwebet’’; but in strik- ing contrast to the agitation of the Wolf

}

I Brahms’s lullaby—

sony is tne qui

juiet of uite charming adaptation of an old Christmas song. “‘Gestillte Sehnsucht”’ I find less interesting. Both are beauti- fully sung, played, and recorded. Weber's Sonata No. 1, the least in- is played

teresting of his piano sonatas, by Arrau with admirable musical style

and a brilliant technique that manifests itself mostly in the unobtrusiveness with which it disposes of the difficulties of the work. The recorded sound is except for rattles on the fourth side.

Victor's February sets of Walton's

Violin Concerto, Shostakovitch’s Sixth

ge th

ro} . °$e€ OT 1Cs-

—

tral recordings by their rey roduction on

ord stores

the phonographs in re

Of Columbia's April releases I have f ived the new recording of Brahms’s ») ynd y ! le by Weingart-

(Set

ner with the London Philharmont

{ \ h - } ' . { for a 1} ture f ~1

. : \ liness f pace s

i , first . =

pa ( Siow f nt. that is

i ‘ SO i m it it s 2

gartner’s > deliberate pace is better for the first mover nt: Be ham’'s $ headlong one is | tter for the last: and his perfor ince has the chara Beecham rpness ot ntour and a t. The uund of the Beecham per fi nce on the records is clear vith rd ba e | ween t le and iss ; that of the Weingartner is, of Irse richer, smoother, and more spacious, with ¢] ‘lance tipped mar lly

set (49° s Oo) or th if nent for ymphony rch i 4 me K mn id oO! , Ss Ww Boat USI for Rodz vho vith his Clev nd O tra. It $a right to play ot walt y Stra at a Sy nphony concer it is all ¢ it to play 1 strin of equally igineg tunes from “Show Boat’; and then there is no need to justify it, as the accompa

ing notes do, by ver! i] lis t10ns without factual differen no need

that is, to

ire strung together in tl

they occur the equence 1s alled l nario ind 1% scored for symphony orchestra, result is not a potpo rt it a summary of the story ir “a new form resources of a symphony orchestra (There is need, rather, of giving the

story for those who, like myself, hap-

pen not to have seen either the stage

The perform-

or the screen version.) ance is exccllent;

lumbia’s best

the recording is Co- is beautiful Mahler's First,

but without its rattles or break-ups The Hargail Recorder Music Publish ers have issued a set of 10-inch discs ($2.63) (MW101) | English duets for alto re-

achievemeni

in sound as the one of

two with

one

five

corders. the other (MW102) with a Sonata by Schickhardt for alto recorders ind hary ichord. Those who play the recorder thet 5 may t more et

joyment from the music than I lo, and will want to know that it seems to be played well by Alfred Mann ind Anton

Winkler (recorders) and | h Weiss Mann (hart ichord )

NA L i

e A - ' — * ‘ a ked hat: as a matter of | ditional forces be sent to Li! Ic’s Time to Get Tough - a aap eS ; < fact tl Civil Liberties Union wouid be the Suez I recommend nothing oj wai if " ’ + foe) . hecause its purpose and T ; Dear Su I want to commend yout feel the ax because its purposes Nor should I care to argue, as 1 s ft ‘ t dangerous to the functioning of : P ; , e on th Ippressio rt nu pears t 1 nat the Meat! err s se ; the totalitarian state. Wake up, Mr. Baldwin, ay —* 0 do, t tte tt e M View pamphiets, magazine ind ; | responsibilities, which you fregrons and the Continent may i hes of our fascists, whose {| ry bend backward in upholding—but to t! sidered alternative battlefields , s not fre n of h at k lism of sent. Do not m: Permit me to summarize 1 M ipre our democratic form ¢ { mistake of trying to save the withered thus: to “ee —“_ P t f a small branch of the tree of liberty, : , ‘ ernment but freedom to destroy it. As : — r 1. Britain’s tremendous achi N aa ' n it is being attacked at the roots. gn iid in your able rebuttal of R ; secured at staggering cost, is tl Wy f ALAN N. BROWN ey 1's fear, we are fighting a wa passed the mark of adequate def ir ot n Apr 2 —_ . . ind = libe must Mi April 28 2. I believe that Britain has s i in order that we may u ou aggressive power to open, not a ne } . * . . . i¢ winnil th wa ’ ai —— 3 ~ t rt xi . s pre ! lor wane “Mr. Bates Answers His Critic front, for that exists and is | t pr id licenses m » Dy Hitler from throwing the whol cli long with the slogan 1S! Dear Sirs: Mr. Taylor's right to dis- army against Russia, but a ne hi as usual.” agree with the military analysis con- perhaps a plurality of them. Th [ l ntable that many of our tained in my article What's Right with fronts would need vast reinfot 1; ‘ tors and intellectuals, such as Dr. Britain is indisputable. But he should later in order to administer the ted Haynes Holmes. Robert H n not simplify his case by attributing to plow. It s N lho Senator La Follette, me views which are not expressed in 3. I reject all arguments based n : 1" at 1, ! P ich rert I; . . ( d Garrison Villard. and others, that article and which I certainly do on the belief that we must win me | the effects of a war upon not hold. In his letter in your issue Of jn 1942 or never. They imply t! H ( econot that they became blind to April 25 he writes, “Mr. Bates believes goyviets will collapse this sumn It is lf nfronting us, and that the 130 divisions in England, in Jess the United Nations can eng h ‘ 1} ne that pompous prot ; addition to the Home Guard, sous sc- entirety of the German army not tg lissipate the dan of main there for home protection.” In pied in resisting the Red Army in 1 j le astonishment I quote my own words, 4. It is the consequence partly « ‘ of | leaders of the liberal ele that “while the Britain of 1942, I be- graphic facts and partly of politi t of « try. In my opinion lieve, will have so far pas ed the mark over which the Churchill gover la the acts of h bankrupt liberals have of defense that it might open a new nas had noc > orerter n | ! sn oO control that the pgreate ) 1 for this war as front, it cannot risk an engagement of the land fighting now falls ¢ \1 effectivel tI ts of a person in the with the total German forces not occu- Soviet Union. Therefore the f our ene ould have don pied in Russia.” That, surely, is explicit | United Nations should guarantee r 1, ’ ' now see the error of | enough. Later Mr. Taylor says, ‘““While pense to Russia and aid in the p nt they an attack in the West may not, indeed, reconstruction of that country. f t pre y durit itical = be possible at this time, Mr. Bates’s RALPH BAT defaulted on their ol figures tend to indicate the contrary.” New York, May 4 ur Exactly, they were intended to indicate eh the contrary, an efine the limit of — «e 7 1¢ contrary, and d The Human Understanding | essential expectation. I confess surprise at Mr. oe : I for \ t | f our Taylor's apparently wavering faith in Perplexes Itself Is eace-time right his doctrine. Dear Sirs: Jacques Barzun’s unhelpf EINTRAUB I shall not attempt to answer such review of I. A. Richards’s twin b <S J / f un upport d assertions as This tonnage on April ye provokes comment Or e ratio {of two and one-half tons of ship- eral counts; but not because it is i Attention Roger Baldwin ping per man for a Continental inva- vocative. Mr. Barzun shows as ‘ 1 . . . * . ~+ . e . yn Dear ' , ay er ee eee sion} is obviously incorrect” except to inclination to argument as the read ; Civil iy that the error is not obvious and whom he says the new “Republi n sii ais that Mr. Taylor's daring, while admir- not appeal. We might well enough | ible, does not provide ships. Nor, by row his own words to state his atti the way, did I argue that Britain's ton to “How to Read a Page.” “The i nage lack was an insuperable bar to all of arguing can hardly be made attract \ t t ! i ' - aggressive action to those who do not already feel s eae ie And I must protest against Mr. Tay- liking for the enterprise.” lor’s distortion of my argument when What does call for consideratior | ~=he writes, “Instead of using the British the position Mr. Barzun takes befz , % | ¢ 1 army for the purpose of attack on the — the books he speaks of and those » Continent—with American reinforce- might read them with profit. Easy re , power, all your inn il polices would be ments—Mr. Bates recommends that ad- ing of his complaints may leave t¢ we

¢ 5 ] P] O t “How | { p was y be an « 1, and (3) that ] If « t rif | { t has no or outer or i) that tive f or DE on wheth I ) is or has 1” of ject Mr. R rd 1 like more peo- {¢ ) i 1 t iks ] 5 text 1ay Mr B rZzun re lies h t the low- ll have a taste onl ror fa r ideas, never mind the vocabu 1 then refers to ‘Plato's Spartan with class barriers,”’ etc. Is he ng himself in this little histori- hé to keep people from learning from Plato direct, and must ie that a liking for new ideas iment in writing cannot be in those who haven't it ee It seems strange that, in commenting hardness in reading, Mr. ian s not allude to what is said about it

For instance

the hard sentences and paragraphs 1 can do us good, iS rea lers; our il ms n | ren I But the must be of t right sort. “i e is a commo ying t hat ts th dificul read with ease of the oppo eff These 1 ung \ | yin e | in is t 1 thetic ition of Mr. Barzut lext Most of t medi in fact, for rit ors t} 1 tl | 5 {1 my explanations may well be f ) nders ind han t } issave lucidating. No It is the e in ttet 1iy to 0 l doings

' rather r not nd.’

Ing 1 strengthen id. pronoun nt on Mr. Rich i own style is perhaps not worth a nt Mr. Barzun quite evidently no distinction between precision in 2 * Of WO 1s nd t] | fantry of rect usage.” His reference to Butler pplying the definitive reasons for nporary ecch-modes in transla- 1 without vil hat they are 1s

ning enough of this

And as to ‘Francis of Verulam’s it Instauration the best-known yn (Bohr 1864 ) ives the book t titl There was no pedantry in ng from it: only a reminder that e which 1 zed Bacon's dream sucht of might Verulam” so. rag of Verulam tho ht thus, ind 11s the m rd h he determined v n hi Cll ind w he thought

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AT BREAD LOAF INN, IN THE GREEN MOUNTAINS, VERMONT Morrison, Director Staff Robert Frost, Poet 1. P. Marquand, Novelist Raymond Everitt, Publisher Alan Collins, Literary Agent Helen Everitt, Magazine Writer Philip H. Cohen, Radio Authority Wallace Stegner, Novelist, Magazine Writer Walter Prichard Eaton, Yale Drama School Edith Mirrielees, Authority on Short Story Louis Untermeyer, Poet, Anthologist Fletcher Pratt, Article, Pulp, and Non-Fiction Writer Barbara Fleury, Authority on

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it concerned the living and posterity to know,” its opening reads, and the first statement of “The Announcement” that follows sounds a timely warning worth idding to Mr. Richards’s own quota- tions: ‘The human understanding per- plexes itself, or makes not a sober and advantageous use of the real helps with- in its reach, whence manifold ignorance and inconvenience arise.”

CHRISTINE M,

Mass , May 6

GIBSON Cambridge,

Bombard Dies Now!

Dear Sirs: You are absolutely correct in saying about Martin Dies, “If the Texan is to be stopped, laborites and liberals will have to organize now, not wait until a few weeks before his request fo: a new year.’ Citizens who wish to forestall the wasteful and obstructionist activities o Dies might be organized into units to be known as the “Martin Bombers’’-

the idea being to bombard both Dies and Congress with criticism of Dies’s work HAROLD J. JONAS

New York, May 7

appropriation comes up next

End Divided Allegiance! Dear Sirs ing petition to the secretary of State

I am addressing the follow-

at Washington: I respectfully petition that in the treaty of which will end the present war the States shall demand, in lieu of such be undesirable to insist

nition of the validity of

» acquiesced in the con- among recent it allegiance to them had

their former

eminent and, in very in inalienabl ] lity, so that citizens or subjects, when they had been duly 1 as Americans,

ct to all the obli-

their former alle-

of peace will be

spect

ot only

the United States but b ideration for s a right of man b.

the rights of man;

choose his own association, su

se with whom he

] } hin if, Dut

9 not ne

iz on the assent of those fro ires to dissociate himself

we permit American citizens to be

capably

powe!

voluntarily renounced, we are

service of a

they

bound to the

whose allegiance have

acquiescing in a form of slavery for United States citizens STEVEN 17 BYINGTON

Ballard Vale, Mass Ay ril 25

The NATION Broadcast by an Old LW.W.

Dear Sirs: Tama patient at the Star

Tuberculosis Sanitarium at Salem, «

(R 5, Box 28). I have been he:

six months and expect to remai:

definitely. I am an ex-member o!

I. W. W. and would like to hea:

some of my old friends and a

tances. Would you oblige me by i:

ing this in your letter columns? |

no other way of broadcasting th:

that I am confined here. KENNETH C.

Salem, Ore., May 5

MACLENNA

CONTRIBUTORS

HAL LEHRMAN has worked in Fras for the Associated Press and in Ame: for the French news agency Havas

WILL CHASAN has written freque: for The Nation on political and |

developments.

VICTOR RIESEL is on the staff o! New York Post

BERNARD TAPER was formerly edit of Agenda, a Western publication « cerned with housing and planning MILAN HODZA, the last Prime M ister of Czecho-Slovaka before Muni became a member of the Czecho-Sh State Council in London. He wa

posed by German order from hi:

of professor of Central European

University, B

tory at Commenius

slava. He is now in this country

PIERRE COT Air Minister in the Blum Cabinet.

was

France

dram

LOUIS KRONENBERGER, critic of PM, has recently publis! “Kings and Desperate Men: Life Eighteenth-Century England.”

M. J. BENARDETE, assistant pr: sor of Spanish at Brooklyn Colleg one of the directors of the His; Institute of Columbia University

PETER STEVENS is the pseudonyn an American writer who recently ST

some time in the Middle East

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